L’étranger à travers le prisme de l’ ivoirité en Côte d’Ivoire : retour sur des regards nouveaux

Babo, Alfred

doi:10.3917/migra.144.0099

Cited by 7 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…100 This desire for justice and revenge is higher within women's associations in rural and agricultural areas plagued by conflicts over land ownership, 101 which often induce intercommunal violence, displacement, and destruction of property. 102 Interviews in the towns of Western Côte d'Ivoire such as Goin-Débé and Guiglo confirmed the participation of young girls alongside boys in armed CBSGs against rival communities. Anger and discontentment may nourish a feeling of revenge, which drives women in CBSGs against rival communities or the state, 103 especially in polarized ethnic and political contexts.…”

Section: Desire For Justice and Revengementioning

confidence: 98%

Women, CBAGs, and the Politics of Security Supply & Demand in Côte d’Ivoire

Bado¹,

Kendhammer²

2022

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This study explores the drivers of participation and the roles women play within their communities in participating both formally and informally in community-based security groups. It seeks to understand how women are involved in community-based security groups by investigating and illustrating, among other things, their motivations and roles, the context, and the dynamics that underpin their participation in both the supply side and demand side of security provision. Based on extensive field research and an original dataset of interviews with a wide range of informal security actors, this research report offers two key findings to inform the work of policymakers and practitioners interested in security provision and peacebuilding. First, while women continue to engage directly and indirectly with community-based armed and informal security groups with a wide range of motivations, their overall place in the landscape of these groups is in flux, and those who participate bear social costs for doing so. Second, women’s influence in shaping the trajectory of community-based armed and security proving groups extends not just to their roles as suppliers of security (or insecurity, in the case of some groups), but as demanders of security. These complex dynamics point to the fact that women’s roles as participants, organizers, and mobilizers/legitimizers in CBAGs in ostensibly post-conflict settings like Côte d’Ivoire are no less complex than in overt conflict settings.

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Section: Desire For Justice and Revengementioning

confidence: 98%

Women, CBAGs, and the Politics of Security Supply & Demand in Côte d’Ivoire

Bado¹,

Kendhammer²

2022

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“…Es preciso señalar que, dicha población extranjera fue traída progresivamente durante y después de la colonización para satisfacer las necesidades de mano de obra a la economía de plantación (Chauveau y Dozon, 1985;1987;Babo, 2012;2013) instituida por el colonizador y mantenida después de la independencia en un contexto relacional de centro-periferia (Prebisch, 1971;1981) entre potencia colonial y excolonia, como parte de la extraversión de la política de esta última (Bayart, 1999).…”

Section: Crisis Identitaria Complejaunclassified

Movimientos sociales insurreccionales en África occidental: una mirada retrospectiva a la rebelión armada en Costa de Marfil de 2002 a 2011

Flan¹

2021

oasis

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Se hace un análisis retrospectivo a la rebelión armada acontecida en Costa de Marfil entre 2002 y 2011 como uno de los movimientos sociales insurreccionales más importantes de África occidental de la primera década del siglo xxi. Se parte de que el necolonialismo francés incidió en dicho movimiento social, a través de la cooptación para afianzar su influencia regional, amenazada por las acciones del gobierno de turno en Costa de Marfil. A partir de una perspectiva analítico-sintética, sustentada en puntos críticos que resaltan para la discusión, se concluye que, a pesar de anclar su reivindicación en la crisis identitaria marfileña, el movimiento social en cuestión se desvió de su pretensión de cambio social identitario por el interés por el poder político, por haber sido cooptado para asegurar intereses externos para los cuales, el problema marfileño agudizado, fue mal gestionado y resuelto.

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“…His successor, Henri Konan Bédié, developed the concept of ivoirité 4 with intellectuals of his party. Launched in 1994, as a 'simple' cultural ideology of Ivoirian authenticity, ivoirité came to be an instrument of struggle for political power (Babo, 2012). Its intrusion into the political debate awakened latent problems of citizenship (Ivoirian versus foreigner) and community division (north versus south) within Ivoirian society (Bredeloup, 2003;Dozon, 2000).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%