Kinship, social organisation and genealogical manipulations in Gypsy
            <i>osadas</i>
            in eastern Slovakia

Jakoubek, Marek; Budilová, Lenka

doi:10.3828/rs.2006.4

Cited by 10 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…1. Endogenous-structural factors (that originate in the specific forms of social organization of the Roma population and their functional/class articulation with the more encompassing social system/political economy) A kinship organization in highly ethnically endogamic extended families which function as a selfsegregating mechanism in all social dimensions, including that of education (Vallés 2017; Leeson 2013; Olivera 2012; Hasnia-Sonia 2011; García 2006;Jakoubek and Budilová 2006;Arias 2002;Weyrauch 2001;Anta 1997;San Román 1984); the persistence of patrilocality and a patriarchal role/status system (which would explain the education gender imbalance) in which women's life goals are placed in early marriage, early maternity, and their role as homemakers, and high school is negatively perceived by parents as a dangerous environment that can damage their daughters' social capital (which is built around virginity and the acceptance of a dependent, domestic social role) (Álvarez-Roldán et al 2018; Colectivo Ioé 2015; Asensio 2011; Levinson and Sparkes 2006;Ayuste and Paya 2004;FSG 2013;Aubert and Valls 2003;Vogel & Elsasser 1981); the marginal mode of articulation with the labor market, with a significant predominance of very low-skilled and/or informal jobs which involve the collective/cooperative work of the whole family (including older children, adolescents and younger adults) based on reciprocity mechanisms (FSG 2006(FSG , 2019Álvarez-Roldán et al 2018;Gamella 2011;Garreta and Llevot 2007); the nomadic or highly mobile way of life of part of the Roma population (that of Eastern European origin, in the Spanish case) which seriously hinders their schooling or the implementation of assistencial programmes (Gamella 2007;Piemontese 2017). All this factors point out at presenting the Roma as a group that constitutes a society within the society, one with clear-cut boundaries but, more importantly, characterized by the survival of pre-modern structural traits (kinship-basedvs.…”

Section: A Review Of Quantitative Studies On Roma Education In Spainmentioning

confidence: 99%

Roma Population in the Spanish Education System: Identifying Explanatory Frameworks and Research Gaps

Rosa

García-Andreu

2021

Social and Economic Vulnerability of Roma People

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This chapter makes a literature review based on the Grant and Booth qualitative systematic methodology of the studies about the educational situation of the Roma in Spain, with an wider, extended scope that allows to compare the findings with those conducted on other countries’ Roma populations. Studies on the Roma educational situation in Spain are hindered by the lack of official, periodical statistics, having to rely on sample-based surveys and ethnographic studies. In spite of the inaccuracy of the studies all of them show, as a general picture, a staggering educational gap between the Roma and the rest of society which is common to all Western countries. Most of the studies on Roma education have concentrated in this negative aspect. Numerous theoretical frameworks have been developed to explain this staggering education gap. All them acknowledge the phenomenon as a multidimensional one but for heuristic purposes they can be ordered along an endogenous/exogenous factors continuum depending on how much they stress the weight of factors stemming from characteristics of the Roma ethnic group itself or, on the contrary, of the majority non-Roma society. The literature review has also identified an emergent critical current that sees this studies focused on educational underachievement as a sharing a common essentialist bias that helps to reinforce the stigmatization of Roma and have turned to focus, instead, on the study of academic success among the Roma. Although this emerging field is very promising, our review has identify several significant research gaps in this regard: a lack of longitudinal studies, a lack of studies on the Roma upper and middle classes and a lack of studies on Roma students in post-compulsory education, particularly the university level. This article encourages researchers to fill this gaps with the conviction that the knowledge obtained can help combat the negative stereotypes and the self-fulfilling prophecy effect that approaches focused on Roma underachievement may have.

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Section: A Review Of Quantitative Studies On Roma Education In Spainmentioning

confidence: 99%

Roma Population in the Spanish Education System: Identifying Explanatory Frameworks and Research Gaps

Rosa

García-Andreu

2021

Social and Economic Vulnerability of Roma People

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“…These may follow family networks (see Chapter 4), which may or may not overlap with physical boundaries within segregated settlements (cf. Jakoubek & Budilová 2006); patterns of intermarriage and shared institutional practices such as conflict resolution, which are in principle permeable and subject to re-negotiation especially following relocation (a process referred to as 'segmentation vs. consolidation' by Marushiakova & Popov 2004); shared faith and religious practices and alignment with contiguous non-Romani populations; shared place of settlement in migration and the development of networks of mutual dependency (see Chapter 6, cf. Solimene 2011); the punctual coming together within shared households and support networks of family groups that speak Romani and others who do not speak the language but descend from Romani speakers; as well as, albeit marginally in our discussion, shared ideological affiliation and activism that bring together Romani individuals.…”

Section: Defining Roma Communitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

How open borders can unlock cultures

Leggio¹,

Matras²

2017

Open Borders, Unlocked Cultures

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Who are the Roma? Ethnicity vs. 'nomadic lifestyle' In March 2014, the e-mail list of the European Academic Network on Romani Studies 1 hosted a discussion on definitions of the population known as 'Roma'. It began when one of the subscribers to the list-which at the time brought together some 350 academics who specialised in Romani/Gypsy studies-asked for reactions to two generalisations which she came across while preparing a legal review of a document on cultural rights: (1) that all Roma speak a variety of the same language, Romanes; and (2) that Roma generally consider themselves to be a nation. Some two-dozen scholars posted their reactions, which together offer a fairly exhaustive summary of contemporary views on the subject (for a full documentation, see Friedman & Friedman 2015: 186ff.). Problems surrounding the definition of Roma/Gypsies are often attributed to the mismatch between internal labels and understandings of community boundaries among the populations concerned, and the prevalence of external definitions and popular imagery, which postulate a wholesale and much less differentiated category of 'Gypsies' (see Matras 2004, 2015a: 15-31). Some respondents to the e-mail discussion addressed the principle of individual selfascription: A 'Romani' or 'Gypsy' person is one who identifies as such. Yet it was acknowledged that 'Roma' depicts an ethnic and therefore a collective identity, and so individuals' self-ascription as 'Roma' is only credible if legitimised through descent. That, however, merely shifts the reference point back in time, for if descent is to be added to the definition, the question 'descent from whom?' cannot be avoided. Some social scientists embrace the concept of 'commercial nomads' or 'peripatetics', first developed in a modern comparative perspective and applied to different societies by Rao (1987, see also Berland & Rao 2004). Here the focus is on endogamous population groups that occupy a particular socioeconomic niche in diverse societies around the world, specialising in a mobile, family-based service economy that often features a flexible portfolio of trades. Such communities are sometimes regarded as having a 'contrast culture', one that is

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“…Výrazným faktorem limitace fajty je patrilokální postmari- 7 Podobnou kritiku popisu příbuzenského principu z perspektivy patrilineality rozvíjí Anne Sutherland v případě kategorie vitsa [Sutherland 1986: 182], kterou lze významově ztotožnit s termínem fajta. 8 Budilová s Jakoubkem tento problematický výklad v následujících letech opravili ve prospěch kognatických skupin [Jakoubek, Budilová 2006;Budilová, Jakoubek 2007a]. Učinili to však problematickým způsobem.…”

Section: Limitace Fajty Patrilokální Postmaritální Rezidencíunclassified

Fajta and the Nature of Kinship among the Inhabitants of Roma Settlements in Eastern Slovakia

Kobes¹

2010

Czech Sociological Review

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European kinship is usually conceptualised as one of the elements that forms the boundary between nature and culture. However, this implicitly assumed biogenetic basis of membership in a particular descent group is not evident in the case of kinship among inhabitants of a Roma settlement. The nature of their kinship can be described as the incorporative process of women and pristašis into descent groups. The fundamental criterion for an expectant partner in marriage is to be 'lačhe' (good, proper, appropriate). The division of people in a Roma settlement into two basic groups (lačhe versus degešis) does not mean that these people form endogamous groups defi ned by procreation. It is rather a matter of moral ideas about what makes people good or bad. Two complementary principles play an important role in these ideas. The fi rst principle relates to the natural base, the second to the process of socialisation. In this respect, fajta does not just refer to a cognatic descent group, but also has another dimension, which cannot simply be defi ned in terms of procreation and which indicates a shift towards a common basis. This can be demonstrated in the example of pristašis, which is a long-term process of incorporation in which fajta, as the domain of nature, shifts to the frame of culture. Despite of the diffi culty of determining whether people were born or socialised into a particular fajta, kinship in a Roma settlement should be studied within the wider organisational complex that on the one hand makes some people related and homogenous and on the other hand excludes other people from this relatedness.

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Kinship, social organisation and genealogical manipulations in Gypsy osadas in eastern Slovakia

Cited by 10 publications

References 1 publication

Roma Population in the Spanish Education System: Identifying Explanatory Frameworks and Research Gaps

Roma Population in the Spanish Education System: Identifying Explanatory Frameworks and Research Gaps

How open borders can unlock cultures

Fajta and the Nature of Kinship among the Inhabitants of Roma Settlements in Eastern Slovakia

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