Kinande vowel harmony: domains, grounded conditions and one-sided alignment

Archangeli, Diana; Pulleyblank, Douglas

doi:10.1017/s095267570200430x

Cited by 49 publications

(68 citation statements)

References 43 publications

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“…Featural alignment was originally suggested in Kirchner (1993) , and further developed in numerous works, including Pulleyblank (1993Pulleyblank ( , 1994, Akinlabi (1994Akinlabi ( , 1995, Archangeli & Pulleyblank (1994b), Beckman (1994b), Itô & Mester (1994), Cole & Kisseberth (1995a,b,c), and Ringen & Vago (1995a,b).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Positional Faithfulness

Beckman¹

2004

Optimality Theory in Phonology

132

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confidence: 99%

“…Following a number of recent OT analyses of harmony (Kirchner 1993;Pulleyblank 1993Pulleyblank , 1994Akinlabi 1994Akinlabi , 1995Archangeli & Pulleyblank 1994b, inter alia), I assume that the constraint in question is the nasal alignment constraint of (62). (64) and demonstrated in (65).…”

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confidence: 99%

Positional Faithfulness

Beckman¹

2004

Optimality Theory in Phonology

132

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“…This is clearly reflected in the frequent use of markedness constraints against such vowels in formal OT (and earlier rule-based) analyses of individual tongue root harmony languages (e.g., Akinlabi 1997, Archangeli & Pulleyblank 2002, Bakovic & Wilson 2000, Cahill 2007, Calabrese 1995, Casali 2003, Leitch 1996, Orie 2003, Pulleyblank 1996, Pulleyblank & Turkel 1996, Wayment 2009). While the degree to which any of these three classes might actually behave as marked in a given language is, under standard assumptions, a consequence of how highly the relevant markedness constraint is ranked, most existing frameworks in which tongue root markedness relations are expressed by means of constraints *[+high,-ATR], *[+low,+ATR] and *[-high, -low,+ATR] or their equivalents provide no straightforward mechanisms under which the expected markedness relations in high, mid or low vowels might be reversed.…”

Section: Markedness Reversalsmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…5 A second, and somewhat less common, type of allophonic [+ATR] dominance discussed in Casali (2003) is found in a number of seven-vowel /i ɪ ɛ a ɔ ʊ u/ languages, e.g., Kinande (Archangeli & Pulleyblank 2002, Mutaka 1995 6 In all, 69 /2IU/ languages which manifest some form (and often multiple forms) of [+ATR] dominance are reported in Casali (2003).…”

Section: Assimilatory Dominance and Inventory Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

Deconstructing tongue root harmony systems

Hülst¹

2017

Language Faculty and Beyond

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This paper is concerned with the related topics of assimilatory dominance and markedness relations in tongue root harmony systems. While a range of views has existed on these topics, much work in recent years adopts the view that either [+ATR] I present typological evidence in this paper, however, that while such a view has elements of correctness as a kind of average picture of what occurs, it is incomplete in important respects. I argue for a fuller typological picture in which both dominance and markedness relations are strongly correlated with the contrastive vowel inventory of a language, behaving differently in systems with a tongue root contrast in high vowels ("/2IU/ systems") and systems ("/1IU/ systems") with an I argue that the reversals of both markedness and dominance relations that exist in /1IU/ and /2IU/ systems defy easy explanation in functional terms, but that a formal explanation, based on representational underspecification, is more promising: the differences in patterning make reasonable initial sense under the assumption, proposed in various previous studies, that the two systems employ different specified [ATR] values, [-ATR] and [+ATR] respectively. A partial explanation is also speculatively proposed for why the two systems employ different values.

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“…This taxonomy does not assume any teological goal of word-extensive harmony. Many systems are stable with harmony operating within a smaller domain, and additionally, systems are noted that extend beyond the word (Archangeli & Pulleyblank 2002). Broadly, this taxonomy predicts that the extent of harmony is limited either to some morpho-prosodic domain, or to a two-syllable window.…”

Section: The Diachronic Trajectory Of Harmonymentioning

confidence: 99%

Modeling the gradient evolution and decay of harmony systems

McCollum

2016

AMP

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The diachronic trajectories of vowel harmony systems have been understudied but offer significant insight into both the possible domains of vowel harmony as well as the interaction between phonetic coarticulation and phonological harmony. This paper proposes a novel analysis of decaying labial harmony in Kazakh, unifying phonetics and phonology in one formalism (Flemming 2001) that incorporates both abstract morpho-phonological and temporal phonetic factors to drive the gradient harmony pattern in contemporary Kazakh. These factors are defined and implemented in a regression-like model that accurately predicts the degree of coarticulation on non-initial vowels. The structure of the model is then discussed in diachronic terms, outlining the development and decline of harmony, as predicted by the model. Significantly, these predictions are supported by typologically attested domains of harmony among the world’s languages. The model developed herein is thus able to accurately predict the fine-grained degree of coarticulation in Kazakh, as well as suggest a plausible pathway for the evolution and decay of harmony patterns more broadly.The diachronic trajectories of vowel harmony systems have been understudied, but offer significant insight into both the possible domains of vowel harmony as well as the interaction between phonetic coarticulation and phonological harmony. This paper proposes a novel analysis of decaying labial harmony in Kazakh, unifying phonetics and phonology in one formalism (Flemming 2001) that incorporates both abstract morpho-phonological and temporal phonetic factors to drive the gradient harmony pattern in contemporary Kazakh. These factors are defined and implemented in a regression-like model that accurately predicts the degree of coarticulation on non-initial vowels. The structure of the model is then discussed in diachronic terms, outlining the development and decline of harmony, as predicted by the model. Significantly, these predictions are supported by typologically attested domains of harmony among the world’s languages. The model developed herein is thus able to accurately predict the fine-grained degree of coarticulation in Kazakh, as well as suggest a plausible pathway for the evolution and decay of harmony patterns more broadly.

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Kinande vowel harmony: domains, grounded conditions and one-sided alignment

Cited by 49 publications

References 43 publications

Positional Faithfulness

Positional Faithfulness

Deconstructing tongue root harmony systems

Modeling the gradient evolution and decay of harmony systems

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