Kera tone and voicing interaction

Pearce, Mary

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2007.10.023

Cited by 16 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 17 publications

(18 reference statements)

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“…This behavior on the part of the females resembles that observed in at least one other situation. Kera, a Chadic language spoken in Chad and Cameroon, is a language that has recently undergone a tonogenesis-like change, as reported in Pearce (2009). The “voicing” contrast is now signaled primarily by F0 and secondarily by VOT.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

Kang

Nagy

2016

Lang Var Change

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Korean has a typologically unusual three-way laryngeal contrast in voiceless stops among aspirated, lenis, and fortis stops. Seoul Korean is undergoing a female-led sound change in which aspirated stops and lenis stops are merging in voice onset time (VOT) and are better distinguished by the F0 (fundamental frequency) of the following vowel than by their VOT, in younger speakers' speech. This paper compares the VOT pattern of Homeland (Seoul) and Heritage (Toronto) Korean speakers and finds that the same change is in progress in both. However, in the heritage variety, younger speakers do not advance the change, unlike their Seoul counterparts. Rather they have leveled off or are perhaps reversing the change, and there is very little sex difference among the younger heritage speakers' patterns. We consider possible accounts of the differences between the Seoul and Toronto patterns, building our understanding of how language-internal variation operates in bilingual speakers, a topic that has received relatively less attention in the variationist literature.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

Kang

Nagy

2016

Lang Var Change

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“…as MSCs (MacEachern 1997), as we saw in (2) for Chaha. Only a handful of languages are known to exhibit morphologically conditioned alternations in laryngeal features, and at least some of them have been reanalysed as involving tone rather than voicing (see Hansson 2004 on Yabem and Pearce 2005 on Kera). One unambiguous case of laryngeal alternations occurs in the Berber language Tamajaq Tuareg, where the voiceless sibilant fricative /s/ of the prefix becomes voiced if there is a voiced sibilant anywhere in the root, as in /s-əntəz/ → [z-əntəz] ‘cause to extract’ and, combined with sibilant harmony, /s-kuʒət/ → [ʒ-əkːuʒət] ‘cause to saw’ (Alojaly 1980, Hansson 2010: 114).…”

Section: Typology Of Laryngeal Consonant Harmonymentioning

confidence: 99%

Ejective harmony in Lezgian

Ozburn

Kochetov

2018

Phonology

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This paper contributes to the typology of laryngeal harmony by analysing an unusual case of long-distance laryngeal co-occurrence restrictions and alternations in Lezgian. This pattern, previously unmentioned in the phonological literature, is the first known case of alternations involving ejective harmony. In Lezgian, local processes mask the interaction of ejectives and plain voiceless stops. This is robustly supported by our dictionary analysis, which reveals a ban on the co-occurrence of ejectives and plain voiceless stops within the foot. Both harmony alternations and static co-occurrence restrictions are sensitive to foot structure, unlike previous cases of consonant harmony. Harmony also interacts opaquely with vowel syncope, and certain co-occurrences of plain and ejective stops are resolved with dissimilation rather than harmony, showing a conspiracy to avoid co-occurrences. We demonstrate an account within the Agreement by Correspondence framework and discuss implications for the typology and analysis of consonant harmony.

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“…The persistent use of voiced/ voiceless in two different senses, phonological and phonetic, leads to constant confusion and misinterpretation of data. A recent example of this is the work on tone and voicing in Kera [Pearce, 2009], a UCL PhD thesis [Pearce, 2007], which L. comments on quite extensively. Westerners developed a script for Kera which distinguishes b/p, d/t and g/k as categorized by Western ears.…”

Section: ]mentioning

confidence: 99%

From Phonetics to Phonology and Back Again

Köhler

2013

Phonetica

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Kera tone and voicing interaction

Cited by 16 publications

References 17 publications

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

VOT merger in Heritage Korean in Toronto

Ejective harmony in Lezgian

From Phonetics to Phonology and Back Again

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