This paper investigates the perceptual aspect of quantitative sociolinguistic variation in order to derive properties of a sociolinguistic monitor integrated into linguistic processing in real time. A series of experiments measured listeners' sensitivity to frequencies in the form of variable percentages of the non-standard apical form of the variable (ING). Subjects heard ten trial readings of broadcast news from the same speaker, and rated them on a seven-point Likert scale of professional suitability. Responses conformed closely to a logarithmic function in which the effect of each deviation from the norm was proportional to the percent increase in deviations. The logarithmic pattern of responses was replicated in group and individual experiments in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and in group experiments in Columbia, South Carolina and Durham, New Hampshire. South Carolina subjects were less critical of the /in/ variant in news broadcasting but showed the identical logarithmic function in reacting to Northern and Southern speakers. Inferences are drawn on the window of temporal resolution of the sociolinguistic monitor, its sensitivity and the pattern of attenuation over time.

Use of discourse markers by 17 speakers of Anglophone Montreal French (AMF) showed^reM,YMiatipjijruridividual repertoires and frequency of use. Only five subjects manifested rates of usag^corrip^rableTo thos^ToTliaFive speakers or to their own LI usage in English. In decreasing order of frequency, the speakers used tu sais 'y'know'; la 'there' (the most frequent among LI Montreal French speakers); bon 'good', alors 'so', comme 'like', and bien 'well'; and the local discourse conjunction fait que 'so'. The subjects occasionally made use of the English markers you know, so, like, and well. Quebecois French markers with no English equivalent were used by the speakers who had been exposed to French in their early childhood environment. The one marker that showed influence from English was comme, apparently calqued on English like. Overall, frequent use of discourse markers correlated only with the speakers' knowledge of French grammar-evidence that a higher frequency of discourse marker use is the hallmark of the fluent speaker. As a feature that is not explicitly taught in school, mastery of the appropriate use of discourse markers is thus particularly revealing of the speakers' integration into the local speech community.

We examine a pattern of end-of-word deletion in Faetar, a Francoprovencal dialect spoken in southern Italy, considering synchronic variants like [br6kab] [ br6kal] ~ [br6ko] ~ [brok] 'fork*. We use the word "deletion" as a synchronic description of the facts; speakers do not always phonetically produce everything in the input form, assuming that the input form is the longest form ever produced. Optimality Theory accounts for this type of variation by positing different rankings of the constraint hierarchy, each of which produces a different optimal output. The predication of alternate constraint rankings within a single dialect, however, poses problems for Optimality Theory as it has been formulated, necessitating numerous grammars for each speaker. We propose floating constraints (Reynolds, 1994), whereby some particular constraint within a single grammar may be represented as falling anywhere within a designated range in the ranking hierarchy. In a previous study (Reynolds & Nagy, 1994) we showed that this model accounts for the distribution of types of output forms produced. Here, we analyze a corpus of 624 tokens from 40 speakers and show that the pattern of distribution of tokens is accounted for as well: the number of rankings that produce each output form is closely correlated to the number of output forms that occur in the data set.

Boston (r): Neighbo(r)s nea(r) and fa(r) A B S T R A C TThe influence of linguistic and social factors on (r) in Boston and two New Hampshire towns is described. The preceding vowel and geographic, ethnic, and age-related differences were found to have strong effects. In comparison to Bostonians, New Hampshire speakers exhibit a higher rate of rhoticity, and fewer factors constrain their variability. Younger speakers are more rhotic than older speakers, as are more educated speakers and those in higher linguistic marketplace positions. This study demonstrates that these patterns fit the transmission (within Boston) and diffusion (to New Hampshire) framework (Labov, 2007) only with the addition of accommodation theory (Niedzielski & Giles, 1996), which connects our linguistic findings to evidence that many New Hampshire residents do not identify with Boston. The effects on (r) in other studies are compared to determine which effects are particular to individual communities (nonuniversal) and which occur across all communities examined. The nonuniversal effects are therefore available as measures of contact-induced change. This study introduces a method for quantitatively comparing the amount of change between communities.As sociolinguistic research accumulates, we acquire multiple perspectives on certain linguistic variables whose usage has been examined in a variety of communities and by a variety of methods. The variable (r), defined as the variable acoustic presence of a constricted [r] in a syllable coda, is among the most widely studied sociolinguistic patterns, having been the subject of one of Labov's (1972) early investigations. 1 It has been examined in a variety of English dialects in the United States, the United Kingdom, and New Zealand, at least, as well as in other Germanic languages, such as Dutch (see overview in Plug & Ogden, 2003). Given the extensive research on (r) in the fields of phonetics, phonology, and sociolinguistics, and the notoriety of (r) as a featureWe thank all the speakers for their contributions. We are very grateful for comments, which greatly improved the paper, from the anonymous reviewers. Remaining shortcomings are our own.

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