Justice, legitimacy and (normative) authority for political realists

Rossi, Enzo

doi:10.1080/13698230.2012.651016

Cited by 68 publications

(56 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…Broadly, realists maintain that political theory should begin (in a justificatory rather than temporal sense) not with the explication of moral ideals (of justice, freedom, rights, etc.) which are then taken to settle the questions of value and principle in the political realm but in a (typically interpretative) understanding of the practice of politics itself (Geuss 2008;Newey 2010;Rossi 2012;Sangiovanni 2008;Waldron 2013;. Mainstream moralist political philosophy fails, from the realist perspective, to take seriously enough the peculiarities of the political and in doing so is unable to appreciate the complexity of the causal and normative relationship between morality and politics.…”

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confidence: 99%

Realism in Normative Political Theory

Rossi

Sleat

2014

SSRN Journal

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This paper provides a critical overview of the realist current in contemporary political philosophy. We define political realism on the basis of its attempt to give varying degrees of autonomy to politics as a sphere of human activity, in large part through its exploration of the sources of normativity appropriate for the political, and so distinguish sharply between political realism and non-ideal theory. We then identify and discuss four key arguments advanced by political realists: from ideology, from the relationship of ethics to politics, from the priority of legitimacy over justice, and from the nature of political judgment. Next, we ask to what extent realism is a methodological approach as opposed to a substantive political position, and so discuss the relationship between realism and a few such positions. We close by pointing out the links between contemporary realism and the realist strand that runs through much of the history of Western political thought.Much contemporary Anglo-American political philosophy operates as a branch of applied ethics: normative political theory is supposed to implement moral commitments external to politics, be they teleological ideals or deontological constraints. However in recent years-under the loose label of 'political realism'-an alternative approach has emerged, or perhaps reemerged (Galston 2010; Runciman 2012). Crudely, realists maintain that political philosophy should not seek to regiment politics through morality; rather, it should theorise about the distinctive forces that shape real politics. Critics of realism see this move as a capitulation of normative theory in favour of descriptive approaches to politics. Realists see it as a way to make political philosophy more relevant and less ideological.This article has two main objectives and as many main sections. First, we propose a working definition of realism, and a critical overview of what we take to be the four key arguments in favour of that position. Second, we explore the status of realist theory: is it best characterised as a series of methodological concerns or does it represent a substantive political position it is own right? In the brief conclusion we discuss to what extent realism is (or could be) a new development rather than a revival of a traditional current of political thinking.

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Realism in Normative Political Theory

Rossi

Sleat

2014

SSRN Journal

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“…The Union has for a significant number of its citizens become a source of resentment, and building solidarity upon resentment is an elusive prospect. The realist view asks us to prioritise legitimacy over justice 91 , hence the pre-eminence of popular sovereignty.…”

Section: Conclusion: Popular Sovereignty Legitimacy and Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

The EU’s democratic deficit in a realist key: multilateral governance, popular sovereignty and critical responsiveness

Beetz

Rossi

2017

Transnational Legal Theory

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This paper provides a realist analysis of the EU's legitimacy. We propose a modification of Bernard Williams' theory of legitimacy, which we term critical responsiveness. For Williams, 'Basic Legitimation Demand + Modernity = Liberalism'. Drawing on that model, we make three claims. (i) The right side of the equation is insufficiently sensitive to popular sovereignty; (ii) The left side of the equation is best thought of as a 'legitimation story': a non-moralised normative account of how to shore up belief in legitimacy while steering clear of both raw domination and ideological distortions. (iii) The EU's current legitimation story draws on a tradition of popular sovereignty that sits badly with the supranational delegation and pooling of sovereign powers. We conclude by suggesting that the EU's legitimation deficit may be best addressed demoicratically, by recovering the value of popular sovereignty at the expense of a degree of state sovereignty.

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“…13 Not that justice is the only value that could feature in question (i) -cf. Rossi (2012). 14 Estlund's argument is complex and very different from Cohen's, so I cannot do it justice here.…”

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confidence: 99%