It feels like yesterday: Self-esteem, valence of personal past experiences, and judgments of subjective distance.

Ross, Michael; Wilson, Anne E.

doi:10.1037/0022-3514.82.5.792

Cited by 278 publications

(364 citation statements)

References 40 publications

(83 reference statements)

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“…Likewise, for Self-Esteem and Subjective Distance (Ross & Wilson, 2002), we did observe that positive past events felt closer than negative past events, but we did not replicate the moderation of this effect by self-esteem. In our view, the main effect is most vital theoretically.…”

Section: Insights About the Selected Effectscontrasting

confidence: 42%

Many Labs 3: Evaluating participant pool quality across the academic semester via replication

Ebersole

Atherton

Belanger

et al. 2016

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology

354

239

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The university participant pool is a key resource for behavioral research, and data quality is believed to vary over the course of the academic semester. This crowdsourced project examined time of semester variation in 10 known effects, 10 individual differences, and 3 data quality indicators over the course of the academic semester in 20 participant pools (N = 2,696) and with an online sample (N = 737). Weak time of semester effects were observed on data quality indicators, participant sex, and a few individual differences-conscientiousness, mood, and stress. However, there was little evidence for time of semester qualifying experimental or correlational effects. The generality of this evidence is unknown because only a subset of the tested effects demonstrated evidence for the original result in the whole sample. Mean characteristics of pool samples change slightly during the semester, but these data suggest that those changes are mostly irrelevant for detecting effects. Word count = 151Keywords: social psychology; cognitive psychology; replication; participant pool; individual differences; sampling effects; situational effects 4 Many Labs 3: Evaluating participant pool quality across the academic semester via replication University participant pools provide access to participants for a great deal of published behavioral research. The typical participant pool consists of undergraduates enrolled in introductory psychology courses that require students to complete some number of experiments over the course of the academic semester. Common variations might include using other courses to recruit participants or making study participation an option for extra credit rather than a pedagogical requirement. Research-intensive universities often have a highly organized participant pool with a participant management system for signing up for studies and assigning credit. Smaller or teaching-oriented institutions often have more informal participant pools that are organized ad hoc each semester or for an individual class.To avoid selection bias based on study content, most participant pools have procedures to avoid disclosing the content or purpose of individual studies during the sign-up process.However, students are usually free to choose the time during the semester that they sign up to complete the studies. This may introduce a selection bias in which data collection on different dates occurs with different kinds of participants, or in different situational circumstances (e.g., the carefree semester beginning versus the exam-stressed semester end).If participant characteristics differ across time during the academic semester, then the results of studies may be moderated by the time at which data collection occurs. Indeed, among behavioral researchers there are widespread intuitions, superstitions, and anecdotes about the "best" time to collect data in order to minimize error and maximize power. It is common, for example, to hear stories of an effect being obtained in the first part of the semester that then "d...

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Section: Insights About the Selected Effectscontrasting

confidence: 42%

Many Labs 3: Evaluating participant pool quality across the academic semester via replication

Ebersole

Atherton

Belanger

et al. 2016

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology

354

239

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The latter was assessed because previous studies have shown that people may feel more or less close to a past event, regardless of its actual temporal distance (Ross & Wilson, 2002). Briefly, participants were told that past experiences may feel quite close or quite far away, regardless of how long ago they actually occurred, and they were asked to rate how far away the event felt to them (1 = very close, 7 = very far away).…”

Section: Materials and Proceduresmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phenomenal characteristics associated with projecting oneself back into the past and forward into the future: Influence of valence and temporal distance

D’Argembeau¹,

Linden

2004

Consciousness and Cognition

661

650

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As humans, we frequently engage in mental time travel, reliving past experiences and imagining possible future events. This study examined whether similar factors affect the subjective experience associated with remembering the past and imagining the future.Participants mentally "re-experienced" or "pre-experienced" positive and negative events that differed in their temporal distance from the present (close versus distant), and then rated the phenomenal characteristics (i.e., sensorial, contextual, and emotional details) associated with their representations. For both past and future, representations of positive events were associated with a greater feeling of re-experiencing (or pre-experiencing) than representations of negative events. In addition, representations of temporally close events (both past and future) contained more sensorial and contextual details, and generated a stronger feeling of reexperiencing (or pre-experiencing) than representations of temporally distant events. It is suggested that the way we both remember our past and imagine our future is constrained by our current goals. One of the most fascinating achievements of the human mind is its ability to engage in mental time travel in order to mentally relive past experiences (Suddendorf & Busby, 2003;Tulving, 2002;Wheeler, Stuss, & Tulving, 1997). When mentally traveling back to the past, we may remember an event in considerable detail, for instance by "seeing" in our mind the location where this past experience took place as well as the persons and objects that were present, by remembering the unfolding of the event as well as what we felt or thought when experiencing it, and so forth. Such detailed sensorial and contextual (spatio-temporal) information is an essential aspect of memory because it provides the rememberer with a subjective "sense of self" in the past (Klein, 2001) and enables him or her to distinguish memories of events that have been personally experienced in the past from other kinds of representations such as dreams, imagined events, or beliefs (Johnson, Hashtroudi, & Lindsay, 1993). According to Tulving's most recent characterization of episodic memory (Tulving, 2002;Wheeler et al., 1997), the hallmark of episodic retrieval is what he terms "autonoetic" (self-knowing) consciousness, which is "the kind of consciousness that mediates an individual's awareness of his or her existence and identity in subjective time extending from the personal past through the present to the personal future" (Tulving, 1985, p. 1). Autonoetic consciousness is thought to allow not only the subjective experience associated with reexperiencing a past experience but also the ability to project oneself forward in time to mentally "pre-experience" an event (Wheeler et al., 1997). However, although many researchers have showed increased interest in the subjective experience of remembering, by investigating either states of awareness (e.g., Gardiner, 1988;Tulving, 1985) or phenomenal characteristics (e.g., Johnson, Foley, Suengas, & Raye, ...

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“…However, determining the relevance of past information to present or future judgments is often ambiguous, and people may not always be motivated only by accuracy goals. In cases where people are motivated to reach a particular conclusion about how the past pertains to the present or future, they may wish to either emphasize or downplay its relevance (Peetz & Wilson, 2014;Ross & Wilson, 2002). For instance, an individual might prefer to believe that a failure does not represent an enduring deficit in his or her ability: in this instance, endorsing an implicit theory of malleability helps to support their desired conclusion.…”

Section: List Of Figuresmentioning

confidence: 99%

Changing theories of change: Strategic shifting in implicit theory endorsement.

Leith¹,

Ward²,

Giacomin³

et al. 2014

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

Self Cite

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People differ in their implicit theories about the malleability of characteristics such as intelligence and personality. These relatively chronic theories can be experimentally altered, and can be affected by parent or teacher feedback. Little is known about whether people might selectively shift their implicit beliefs in response to salient situational goals. We predicted that, when motivated to reach a desired conclusion, people might subtly shift their implicit theories of change and stability to garner supporting evidence for their desired position. Any motivated context in which a particular lay theory would help people to reach a preferred directional conclusion could elicit shifts in theory endorsement. We examine a variety of motivated situational contexts across 7 studies, finding that people’s theories of change shifted in line with goals to protect self and liked others and to cast aspersions on disliked others. Studies 1–3 demonstrate how people regulate their implicit theories to manage self-view by more strongly endorsing an incremental theory after threatening performance feedback or memories of failure. Studies 4–6 revealed that people regulate the implicit theories they hold about favored and reviled political candidates, endorsing an incremental theory to forgive preferred candidates for past gaffes but leaning toward an entity theory to ensure past failings “stick” to opponents. Finally, in Study 7, people who were most threatened by a previously convicted child sex offender (i.e., parents reading about the offender moving to their neighborhood) gravitated most to the entity view that others do not change. Although chronic implicit theories are undoubtedly meaningful, this research reveals a previously unexplored source of fluidity by highlighting the active role people play in managing their implicit theories in response to goals.

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It feels like yesterday: Self-esteem, valence of personal past experiences, and judgments of subjective distance.

Cited by 278 publications

References 40 publications

Many Labs 3: Evaluating participant pool quality across the academic semester via replication

Many Labs 3: Evaluating participant pool quality across the academic semester via replication

Phenomenal characteristics associated with projecting oneself back into the past and forward into the future: Influence of valence and temporal distance

Changing theories of change: Strategic shifting in implicit theory endorsement.

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