Involvement in Crime, Individual Resources and Structural Constraints: Processes of Cumulative (Dis)Advantage in a Stockholm Birth Cohort

Nilsson, Anders; Bäckman, Olof; Llanes-Estrada, Felipe J.

doi:10.1093/bjc/azs068

Cited by 22 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 32 publications

(36 reference statements)

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“…From a theoretical perspective and in accordance with previous studies [6,11,22,29,38,45,62,75], the findings of this study contribute to existing knowledge in that it shows that both male and female adult-onset offenders constitute a significant proportion of all offenders and therefore challenges propensity theories of offending which argue that crime onset after adolescence is extremely rare [42,51]. The findings of this study are more in line with dynamical theories, allowing differences between offenders and changes within individuals over time.…”

Section: Conclusion and Discussionsupporting

confidence: 90%

“…Harris [25] defines adult-onset offenders as those with a first conviction at or after age 17, slightly overestimating the proportion of adult-onset offenders by the definition in the current study. Nilsson and colleagues [45] and Beckley et al [2] respectively use a cutoff age of 19 and 20, both slightly underestimating the proportion of adult-onset offenders to follow their behavioral pattern over time and proportions of adult-onset offenders are likely to rise as individuals are followed for longer periods. Boys or men are generally found to engage in delinquent behavior at earlier ages than women [50].…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Boys or men are generally found to engage in delinquent behavior at earlier ages than women [50]. It is therefore not surprising that adult-onset offending is most often found to be more prevalent in women than men [2,4,11,25,28,34,45,57,59]. As can be seen in Table 1, proportions of adult-onset offenders among male offenders are between 9 and 72% (M = 38%), proportions are between 7 and 90% for females (M = 48%).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Criminal Career Dimensions of Juvenile- and Adult-Onset Offenders

Köppen

2018

J Dev Life Course Criminology

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Purpose Earlier studies tried to predict and explain adult-onset offending, most often by comparing risk factors for juvenile and adult onset of criminal behavior. Little is known, however, about how criminal careers of adult-onset offenders develop. The aim of this study is to describe and compare juvenile-and adult-onset criminal careers of both men and women in terms of frequency, intensity, duration, recidivism, crime mix, seriousness, and specialization. Methods Using a sample of 43,338 offenders who all had a criminal record in 2013, criminal careers are reconstructed retrospectively up to age 12 and prospectively up to the 1st of July, 2014. Male and female juvenile-and adult-onset offenders are identified and compared on the abovementioned parameters of their criminal careers. Results Compared to all other groups, female adult-onset offenders commit fewer crimes, offend at a lower rate, desist from crime earlier, have lower recidivism risks at least up to the tenth crime, commit different types of offenses, commit more minor and less serious crimes, and are more specialized in the types of crime they commit. Male juvenile-onset offenders have the most serious career in terms of these career dimensions. Conclusions Criminal careers of adult-onset offenders, both men and women, develop differently on all dimensions. Implications for life-course criminological theories and prevention strategies are discussed.Keywords Adult-onset offending . Criminal career dimensions J Dev Life Course Criminology (2018) 4:92-119 https://doi

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Section: Conclusion and Discussionsupporting

confidence: 90%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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Criminal Career Dimensions of Juvenile- and Adult-Onset Offenders

Köppen

2018

J Dev Life Course Criminology

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“…However, due to the most recent global economic crisis, unemployment levels have risen tremendously, especially among the young. This tightness in the labour market is likely to disproportionally affect vulnerable groups such as previously institutionalized youths (Nilsson, Bäckman and Estrada 2013). After all, it will be difficult for disadvantaged young people to compete with job applicants with better resumes and no criminal record.…”

Section: Limitations and Directions For Future Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Effects of Unemployment, Conviction and Incarceration on Employment: A Longitudinal Study on the Employment Prospects of Disadvantaged Youths

Verbruggen¹

2015

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This study aims to investigate the effects of a history of unemployment, conviction, and incarceration on the likelihood of being employed in a sample of disadvantaged youths. All youths (N=540) were institutionalized in adolescence. From age 18 to 32 official data were available on employment, convictions and incarceration. To control for unobserved heterogeneity, fixed effects models are used to estimate effects of unemployment, conviction, and incarceration on the likelihood of employment. Results show that for men, a criminal background does not damage employment prospects when a history of unemployment is taken

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“…Another explanation, this time focusing more on the significance of processes of cumulative disadvantage as outlined in life-course theories ( Laub and Sampson 2003;Nilsson, Bäckman and Estrada 2013), might highlight the fact that as youth offending becomes less common, the group with convictions for crime may be assumed to become increasingly skewed in its social composition. Rather than increasing labelling effects, then, we might instead be looking at changes in the composition of the population of young offenders.…”

Section: Impacts On Youth Crimementioning

confidence: 99%

The Life Course of Young Male and Female Offenders

Bäckman¹,

Llanes-Estrada²,

Nilsson³

et al. 2014

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Individuals' life chances are shaped by the times and events that they experience. This emphasises the need for studies that focus on staggered birth cohorts. The article presents a new longitudinal data set that includes three complete Swedish birth cohorts, born in 1965, 1975 and 1985. Comparisons between the different birth cohorts show how offending distributions among young offenders, as well as their sociodemographic backgrounds and life chances, have developed over time. The analyses of stability and change presented in the study, may serve as a point of departure for more informed discussions of the significance of societal changes for the criminality and life chances of male and female offenders.

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Involvement in Crime, Individual Resources and Structural Constraints: Processes of Cumulative (Dis)Advantage in a Stockholm Birth Cohort

Cited by 22 publications

References 32 publications

Criminal Career Dimensions of Juvenile- and Adult-Onset Offenders

Criminal Career Dimensions of Juvenile- and Adult-Onset Offenders

Effects of Unemployment, Conviction and Incarceration on Employment: A Longitudinal Study on the Employment Prospects of Disadvantaged Youths

The Life Course of Young Male and Female Offenders

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