“…But this suggestion assumes a naturalized triangular relationship among the police, the law, and legitimate authority. Moreover, it does not acknowledge the possibility, as argued here, that legitimation—of coercion by violence generally, and of police power to deploy it specifically—is culturally and historically configured through practice (Garriott 2013). Some theorists of police have begun to acknowledge the social fact of variations in police legitimation, including Robert Reiner (2010) in his analysis of fluctuations of police legitimacy over time in the United Kingdom, and Christopher Murphy (2005) in his call for police studies to “go global.” Murphy correctly notes that “stability and legitimacy of government and law and the public police as an effective instrument of order and security cannot be assumed in many non-Western policing contexts … [and that policing] in many global environments appears to be continually negotiated and reconstituted in a changing social and political environment with rapidly shifting policing requirements and priorities” (139).…”
“…But this suggestion assumes a naturalized triangular relationship among the police, the law, and legitimate authority. Moreover, it does not acknowledge the possibility, as argued here, that legitimation—of coercion by violence generally, and of police power to deploy it specifically—is culturally and historically configured through practice (Garriott 2013). Some theorists of police have begun to acknowledge the social fact of variations in police legitimation, including Robert Reiner (2010) in his analysis of fluctuations of police legitimacy over time in the United Kingdom, and Christopher Murphy (2005) in his call for police studies to “go global.” Murphy correctly notes that “stability and legitimacy of government and law and the public police as an effective instrument of order and security cannot be assumed in many non-Western policing contexts … [and that policing] in many global environments appears to be continually negotiated and reconstituted in a changing social and political environment with rapidly shifting policing requirements and priorities” (139).…”
“…The ethnographic focus on how non-state policing actors relate to, engage with, and act on behalf of or in the absence of state-sanctioned policing actors has occurred at the expense of understanding how the police themselves perceive of, perform and navigate what it means to police. In recent years, this has resulted in a significant body of ethnographically driven studies focusing on the police and policing (Beek, 2016; Beek et al., 2017; Fassin, 2013, 2017; Garriott, 2013; Göpfert, 2013, 2016; Hornberger, 2010, 2011; Jauregui, 2016; Karpiak, 2016; Martin, 2013, 2016; Mutsaers, 2014, 2018; Owen, 2013, 2016; Steinberger, 2008). Many of these works emerged from a growing interest in ‘the state’, as an idea and as a set of practices, but also as Cooper-Knock and Owen (2015: 356) emphasize, because of a relative analytical neglect of ‘state actors and statehood’ in the context of policing, and consequently ‘everyday realities and modes of state policing’ (see also Mutsaers et al., 2015: 786).…”
Section: Ethnographies Of Police and Policingmentioning
This special issue introduces a conceptual framework for ethnographies of urban policing that foregrounds how defining features of the city produce police work, and in turn, how police work produces the city. To address how the mutually productive relationship of policing and the city shape current transformations in the ordering of urban space, the notions of borders and bordering are invoked. In contemporary cities across the global North and South, borders and bordering practices are reconfigured to address mobilities and flows deemed to threaten social order and have thus become manifestations of fear and anxiety linked to these mobilities and flows. At the core of our framework is the argument that urban policing is principally a practice of bordering. By approaching urban policing as a practice of bordering that is informed by material and imaginary manifestations, tensions between (de)territorializing and (de)stabilization are highlighted as both the vehicle and outcome of bordering practices. These tensions, we propose, can be captured through the concept of trembling. Trembling implies both a physical and emotional response to anxiety, excitement and frailty that is paradoxically built into borders and bordering practices.
“…social worker) (Crank, 1990; Liederbach and Frank, 2003; Pelfrey, 2007) and rural officers are subject to different stresses than an urban officer (Sandy and Devine, 1978). Researchers have examined rural policing in the United States (Liederbach and Frank, 2003; Mawby and Yarwood, 2016; Sims, 1988; Thurman and McGarrell, 2015) and United Kingdom (Garriott, 2013; Jones, 1996; Yarwood, 2005), but not to the same degree in Canada (Donnermeyer et al, 2016; Jones et al, 2018; Ricciardelli, 2018).…”
In the current article, we document the changing roles and responsibilities related to the implementation of the Canadian Youth Criminal Justice Act ( YCJA). Police officers’ experiences and responses to the implementation of the YCJA reveal a disparity between the officers’ idealised role and their actual tasks involving youth. Drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of the habitus and field, we consider the field of youth justice and its effects on rural policing strategies in Canada. We consider the shifting standard for police behaviours from data gathered through interviews and focus groups with police officers. We find standards in the field of policing shift to reflect new realities enacted with the YCJA.
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