Abstract:This special issue introduces a conceptual framework for ethnographies of urban policing that foregrounds how defining features of the city produce police work, and in turn, how police work produces the city. To address how the mutually productive relationship of policing and the city shape current transformations in the ordering of urban space, the notions of borders and bordering are invoked. In contemporary cities across the global North and South, borders and bordering practices are reconfigured to address… Show more
“…Monitoring movements and markings that might contravene delimited norms, these “more ‘subtle’ practices of policing” contribute to a process of “order-making” in the urban environment (Christensen and Albrecht, 2020: 391, 388). Like the legal architecture of the legislated city, such enforcements are “neither apolitical nor purely instrumental;” these mutable modes of restriction and regulation within the public sphere “often reflect specific ideological constructions of what urban space should look like and how it should be used” (Christensen and Albrecht, 2020: 392). This continuum of policing activities highlights how – in addition to enabling empowerment and rendering recognition – a position of “visibility may be related to control, regulation, increased vulnerability, as well as processes of normalization and depoliticization” (Edenborg, 2019: 10).…”
Section: Visualizing the Muralmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite officers’ divergent postures and public posturing across these three scenes, what remains consistent is their performance of surveillance. Monitoring movements and markings that might contravene delimited norms, these “more ‘subtle’ practices of policing” contribute to a process of “order-making” in the urban environment (Christensen and Albrecht, 2020: 391, 388). Like the legal architecture of the legislated city, such enforcements are “neither apolitical nor purely instrumental;” these mutable modes of restriction and regulation within the public sphere “often reflect specific ideological constructions of what urban space should look like and how it should be used” (Christensen and Albrecht, 2020: 392).…”
Halted by the police, repeatedly defaced, and ultimately erased, the mural El Amor No Tiene Género (Love Has No Gender) lasted less than one week on the streets of Quito before it disappeared under a layer of whitewash in July 2019. The image – a trio of kissing couples – was painted by local street artist Apitatán to celebrate Ecuador’s landmark approval of marriage equality. Its destruction inspired widespread media coverage, direct-action activism, and institutional support for the mural which culminated in its revival two months later. This article investigates what the double life of Apitatán’s mural reveals about the politics of visibility in Quito at a critical moment of consolidating political rights for the country’s LGBTQ community. Drawing on digital ethnography and storytelling methods, I weave together these two visibility disputes – about the mural and about queer love – to illustrate how public visibility is always contingent. To do so, my analysis explores the interplay between erasure and policing practices to enforce conditions of visibility within the urban environment.
“…Monitoring movements and markings that might contravene delimited norms, these “more ‘subtle’ practices of policing” contribute to a process of “order-making” in the urban environment (Christensen and Albrecht, 2020: 391, 388). Like the legal architecture of the legislated city, such enforcements are “neither apolitical nor purely instrumental;” these mutable modes of restriction and regulation within the public sphere “often reflect specific ideological constructions of what urban space should look like and how it should be used” (Christensen and Albrecht, 2020: 392). This continuum of policing activities highlights how – in addition to enabling empowerment and rendering recognition – a position of “visibility may be related to control, regulation, increased vulnerability, as well as processes of normalization and depoliticization” (Edenborg, 2019: 10).…”
Section: Visualizing the Muralmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite officers’ divergent postures and public posturing across these three scenes, what remains consistent is their performance of surveillance. Monitoring movements and markings that might contravene delimited norms, these “more ‘subtle’ practices of policing” contribute to a process of “order-making” in the urban environment (Christensen and Albrecht, 2020: 391, 388). Like the legal architecture of the legislated city, such enforcements are “neither apolitical nor purely instrumental;” these mutable modes of restriction and regulation within the public sphere “often reflect specific ideological constructions of what urban space should look like and how it should be used” (Christensen and Albrecht, 2020: 392).…”
Halted by the police, repeatedly defaced, and ultimately erased, the mural El Amor No Tiene Género (Love Has No Gender) lasted less than one week on the streets of Quito before it disappeared under a layer of whitewash in July 2019. The image – a trio of kissing couples – was painted by local street artist Apitatán to celebrate Ecuador’s landmark approval of marriage equality. Its destruction inspired widespread media coverage, direct-action activism, and institutional support for the mural which culminated in its revival two months later. This article investigates what the double life of Apitatán’s mural reveals about the politics of visibility in Quito at a critical moment of consolidating political rights for the country’s LGBTQ community. Drawing on digital ethnography and storytelling methods, I weave together these two visibility disputes – about the mural and about queer love – to illustrate how public visibility is always contingent. To do so, my analysis explores the interplay between erasure and policing practices to enforce conditions of visibility within the urban environment.
“…Published in the same special issue on "Urban Border Work: Ethnographies of Policing" (Christensen & Albrecht, 2020) as many of the above cited works, Pauschinger's (2020, p. 510) work in Brazil has put the geographical focus on border policing into conversation with cultural criminology, thereby evoking the concept of "edgework," or the emotional space that police officers inhabit "between rationalized and ordered routines on one hand, and risk, disorder and incipient violence on the other." For Vitale (2017), however, the ratio of "ordered routines" to "incipient violence" is skewed toward the former, with policing best described as consisting of "99 percent boredom and 1 percent sheer terror."…”
Despite the fact that any semblance of a "police studies" in geography is relatively recent, with calls for its development and expansion still being made in the literature today, geographers have nevertheless made important contributions to how scholars understand police and policing as a multifaceted manifestation of state power, coercion, and territoriality. Given the formative contributions that have already been made, and with promises of increased scholarly activity to come, there remains much opportunity for geography to become the go-to social scientific discipline for translating theory into action and advanced methods into practice. This is particularly so given heightened and widespread credence to the concept of defunding policing as we know it in the wake of continued and increasingly ruthless killings by police across the United States. In this article on police and policing in geography, I trace the brief history of a police studies, highlighting recent and contemporary contributions to its progress through critical examinations of community-, border-, affective-, and insidious-policing practices. Finally, I conclude with a brief discussion about how a police/policing studies can move forward as a durable geographical sub-field vis-à-vis greater inclusion of would-be scholars for whom being policed has been a lived experience that has resulted in personal encounters with hyper-criminalization, displacement, expulsion, un-homing, and incarceration.
“…2017). Recent work theorising urban policing as bordering practices imbricated in (de)territorialising, (re)territorialising, and (de)stabilising socio‐spatial orders and state power provides a much‐needed corrective (Christensen and Albrecht 2020; Coleman 2016; Coleman and Stuesse 2015; Ramírez 2020). Work on bordering links complex repertoires of relational policing practices to broader institutional projects for securing white liberal orders conducive to racial capitalist accumulation.…”
Section: Toward An Anti‐colonial Critique Of the Public Order Policing Literaturementioning
Liaison policing strategies are increasingly deployed as Canada’s frontline response to Indigenous‐settler land disputes. A fusion of pre‐emptive interventions, intelligence gathering, and best practices in public order and community policing, contemporary liaison strategies have important implications for Indigenous self‐determination and decolonial struggles. Yet, despite their rapid proliferation, we know little about how liaison strategies are enrolled as a technique of settler colonial governance. I begin addressing this gap through a four‐year case study tracking how a multi‐agency liaison policing assemblage undermined an urban Indigenous land reclamation in the city of Ottawa, Canada’s national capital. I show how liaison strategies worked by constraining the terrain of manoeuvre for radical organising while simultaneously facilitating Indigenous engagement in state‐sanctioned processes of recognition and accommodation. Arguing that the literature on public order policing inadequately theorises the relationship between liaison policing and settler colonial power, I propose “modulating eventfulness” as a more apposite conceptual grammar.
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