Introduction:

Barbagallo, Camille; Beuret, Nicholas; Harvie, David

doi:10.2307/j.ctvj4sxh4.4

Cited by 5 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Control over embodied production -what Lorey (2015) calls governmental precarizationtakes place along several lines that attempt to cut across and appropriate this existential continuum of people: first, the attempt to measure labour-power and to quantify it despite the fact that it mobilizes the whole embodied conditions of life (De Angelis and Harvie, 2009); second, the expropriation of the infrastructures of cooperation through property rights, patents and the re-privatization of access to and circulation of knowledge, information and skills (Bollier, 2008;Boyle, 2008;Brophy and de Peuter, 2007); third, the individualization of the costs of social reproduction and privatization of those forms of social reproduction that cannot be taken up by the individual (Barbagallo and Federici, 2012;Weeks, 2011); fourth, the transformation of citizenship into a tool for creating various tiers of working people whose degree of exploitation depends on their varied access to citizenship rights (Alberti, 2011;Anderson, 2010). One could say that all these lines break the horizontal and continuous lived experience of working people creating the vertical segments that are the productive motor of current precarious work and life conditions.…”

Section: Prelude: Embodied Value Production and The Movement Of The P...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Organizing the precarious: Autonomous work, real democracy and ecological precarity

Graham

Papadopoulos

2021

Organization

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In 2008, just as the movement of the precarious seemed to be winning one political battle after the next, the fight against precarization suddenly dwindled. The cycle of struggles of the precarious that began in 2000 had seemingly come to an end. Ironically this was also the moment that precarity as a concept became widely known in popular opinion, media commentary and academia. This paper focuses on the movement of the precarious from its inception in the early 2000s to its decline in 2008 and its reappearance in response to the economic crisis through the widespread mobilizations for “real democracy” between 2008 and 2014. Drawing from our experience as participants in the movement of the precarious, and theoretical discussions that have shaped the politics of the movement, the paper adopts a retrospective approach to investigate the metamorphoses of a consciousness of precarity and of the underlying organizing practices that lead to its demise and subsequent incarnations. It reconstructs precarity as theory in action that lives through the organizational ontologies of the movement of the precarious.

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Section: Prelude: Embodied Value Production and The Movement Of The P...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Organizing the precarious: Autonomous work, real democracy and ecological precarity

Graham

Papadopoulos

2021

Organization

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“…This line of argument drew attention to the importance of the sphere of social reproduction for Marxist analyses of capitalism (Dalla and James, 1975). Where neither state nor market can guarantee the reproduction of human beings, Barbagallo and Federici (2012) argue, commons form the basis of more autonomous and collective forms of reproduction. Since women have historically and contemporaneously been responsible for the majority of socially reproductive labour, it follows that they are more dependent than men on common resources, such as communal kitchens in Latin America and urban farms in Africa (Federici, 2012).…”

Section: Austerity Gender and The Urban Commonsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Austerity urbanism and Olympic counter-legacies: Gendering, defending and expanding the urban commons in East London

Gillespie

Hardy²,

Watt

2018

Environ Plan D

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This article reflects on an occupation led by single mothers to contest the destruction of social housing in post-Olympics East London. In the process, it argues for a more gendered theorisation of the urban commons. Drawing on auto-ethnography, participant observation and qualitative interviews, the article argues three central points: First, that the occupation demonstrates the gendered nature of the urban commons and the leadership of women in defending them from enclosure; second that the defence of an existing urban commons enabled the creation of a new temporary commons characterised by the collectivisation of gendered socially reproductive activities; and third that this commoning has had a lasting impact on housing activism at the city scale and beyond. This impact is conceptualised as an 'Olympic counter-legacy' that is characterised by the forging of new relationships and affinities, the strengthening of networked activism and circulation of tactics between campaign groups.

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“…Combined with the ever-increasing concerns about the climate crisis and global inequality, the exploration of alternative economic approaches with more ethical (Arvidsson and Peitersen, 2016) or post-capitalist interpretations (Gibson-Graham, 2006) has been intensifying. A conceptual understanding of value as “the way actions become meaningful to the actor” within a “larger social whole” (Graeber, 2001: 254) opens up the exploration of value forms that encapsulate diverse contributions to society, ranging from social reproduction and care (Folbre, 2006; Skeggs, 2014, 2018) to the commons (Barbagallo et al, 2019; Caffentzis and Federici, 2014; De Angelis, 2017; Federici, 2004). Our engagement with value in peer production is an attempt to offer a common denominator to examine the broad array of these discussions.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are the most influential websites peer-produced or price-incentivized? Organizing value in the digital economy

Pazaitis

Kostakis

2021

Organization

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In 2006, Harvard Law School Professor Yochai Benkler proposed a wager to technology and society author Nicholas Carr. Benkler argued that by 2011 the most influential websites would be based on content produced by people engaged in peer production. Carr maintained that the lure of money and the corporate hierarchies will be more effective. So, after 15 years, who has really won the bet? Are the most influential websites peer-produced or price-incentivized? To address these questions, this paper discusses what peer production is in relation to price-incentivized production. The Carr-Benkler wager is used as a lens to examine the current social and political struggles in the digital economy, to unveil the adversary value systems underneath and the respective implications for organization. We conclude with some reflections on the controversies and ambiguities of peer production and a call for critical scholarship to engage in a deeper discussion on value and organization in the digital economy.

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Introduction:

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Organizing the precarious: Autonomous work, real democracy and ecological precarity

Organizing the precarious: Autonomous work, real democracy and ecological precarity

Austerity urbanism and Olympic counter-legacies: Gendering, defending and expanding the urban commons in East London

Are the most influential websites peer-produced or price-incentivized? Organizing value in the digital economy

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