Introduction

Conley-Zilkic, Bridget

doi:10.1017/cbo9781316407578.001

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…It is well established that specific components of democratic regimes, such as constraints on the political executive, "yield greater human rights returns" than others and discourage violent repression (De Mesquita et al, 2005). International attention and the willingness to impose penalties on perpetrators of mass atrocities also raise the political cost of violence, especially mass violence (Conley-Zilkic, 2016).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In conflict, campaigns of mass violence follow the perpetrator's logic: they may be launched in relation to a strategic goal, and they may de‐escalate or end when the goal is achieved or if their interests are better served by decreasing the violence instead (Conley‐Zilkic, 2016). Violence against civilians is a political tactic, usually playing a central part in satisfying belligerent groups’ strategic aims (B. Valentino, 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Explaining the pattern of “war on drugs” violence in the Philippines under Duterte

Iglesias

2023

Asian Politics and Policy

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A national “war on drugs” under former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte killed an estimated 12,000 to 30,000 victims. Duterte used state terror tactics, generating an unprecedented level of violence within a broader process of democratic backsliding. The violence peaked early, within the first few months of his term of office, then declined and remained low for years afterwards. How do campaigns of large‐scale state violence decline? This article explores the context‐specific drivers of the drug war's implementation in the Philippines. It presents findings from a model predicting violence escalation and de‐escalation using a Poisson regression to estimate the weekly number of killings from 2016 to 2021. The study's main finding is that the violence declined, and remained low throughout the rest of Duterte's term, due to the mobilization of accountability mechanisms—particularly over corruption controversies. This study offers insights into how resistance can impede autocratization, even in weak democracies.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining the pattern of “war on drugs” violence in the Philippines under Duterte

Iglesias

2023

Asian Politics and Policy

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“…But there are limitations. Several of these studies only focused on the preventive aspect of R2P [10] in contrast to those that just examined the political context of R2P. Others aimed to extend knowledge through single case country technique (such as a country experiencing armed conflict or a post-conflict State), while some adopted both or either normative or legal issues surrounding R2P policy.…”

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confidence: 99%

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in Libya and Syria

Odeyemi

2015

Journal of Global Responsibility

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Purpose – Against the backdrop of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) policy – an instrument with which the UN seeks to protect vulnerable civilians from gross violations of human rights – this study examines the application of R2P in the Libyan intervention and the various efforts to replicate similar claim to intervene in Syria. While proposing that the roles of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) is increasingly influential to the success of an intervention, this study asks the question: what are the general conditions for success of R2P application in Libya and Syria during the period 2011-2014? Design/methodology/approach – In its examination of the policy and scholarly works that have informed, justified and evaluated the processes and outcomes of the principles of R2P policy, this paper used relevant search terms for conditions for success of humanitarian military intervention (COSI). Specific keywords such as R2P, BRICS and humanitarian intervention are scrutinised for relevance to the research question. Documents that failed to satisfy the criteria of research quality were excluded, whereas the key problems and findings identified in each studied document were tabulated into inclusion and exclusion. Findings – Despite the role of BRICS in the Libyan and Syrian interventions, existing literature failed to explicitly make this connection, although much of the literature agreed on a number of general conditions for success. This paper problematise the relationship between success and BRICS role. One of the reasons for this is the emerging nature of the literature that is beginning to appreciate the plausibility that the BRICS influences the success of an intervention. Originality/value – This piece synthesises studies that focus on COSI with preference for works that engaged this study’s case countries. Much rich data which even until now are always in need of close examination emerged during data collection, making it useful to craft a third part for BRICS-focused literature that has informed the R2P debate.

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Liberal and illiberal peace-building in East Timor and Papua: establishing order in a democratising state

Smith

2020

Conflict, Security & Development

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States undergoing turbulent processes of democratisation frequently use illiberal peacebuilding methods to manage civil wars, as it enables them to secure order with the lowest risk. However, the existing literature on illiberal peace-building does not explain why governments sometimes opt for more liberal means, despite the risks involved. To explore this question, the paper draws on original primary sources and secondary evidence to compare the Indonesian government's management of two civil wars during democratisation. The Papua and East Timor cases constitute an ideal comparative case study as the government took starkly different approaches to managing conflict in each region, within the same period. While East Timor was resolved via liberal methods, the Papua conflict was managed via illiberal means. I argue that two dimensions need greater recognition and interrogation within the existing illiberal peace-building framework to explain this difference: first, the role of shifting internal power balances within national political elites, especially civilian-military relations and the relative power of moderates; and, second, the influence of external actors on these internal power balances.

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Introduction

Cited by 3 publications

References 33 publications

Explaining the pattern of “war on drugs” violence in the Philippines under Duterte

Explaining the pattern of “war on drugs” violence in the Philippines under Duterte

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in Libya and Syria

Liberal and illiberal peace-building in East Timor and Papua: establishing order in a democratising state

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