Intragenerational Mobility in Successor States of the Ussr

Titma, Mikk; Roots, Ave

doi:10.1080/14616690500342618

Cited by 14 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…Established differences allow the observation of the potential role of democratic versus authoritarian practices in the process of social mobility. For instance, it is well documented that in the Soviet Union, the state tried to control the inflow into politically important strata (Titma and Roots, 2006). Political loyalty was a more dominant factor than professional qualification as the basis for the promotion of people into communist elites (Gerber, 2000).…”

Section: Political Democracymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These results are in line with other studies on social mobility in post-communist societies. Belarus had low stratification levels in the Soviet Union, which have been maintained in the post-communist period (Titma and Roots, 2006), while the reported intergenerational mobility in Estonia and Lithuania was the highest in a recent comparative study of twelve transitional societies (Veraschagina, 2012). The described trends leave space for exploring the role of contextual variables in intergenerational social mobility with the following two main research questions: (1) how do we explain cross-national differences in social mobility in postcommunist societies, and (2) are these macro-level variables similar to contextual factors proven to be important in the advanced welfare democracies?…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

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Political democracy, economic liberalization, and macro-sociological models of intergenerational mobility

Gugushvili

2017

Social Science Research

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Building on the previously investigated macro-sociological models which analyze the consequences of economic development, income inequality, and international migration on social mobility, this article studies the specific contextual covariates of intergenerational reproduction of occupational status in post-communist societies. It is theorized that social mobility is higher in societies with democratic political regimes and less liberalized economies. The outlined hypotheses are tested by using micro- and macro-level datasets for 21 post-communist societies which are fitted into multilevel mixed-effects linear regressions. The derived findings suggest that factors specific to transition societies, conventional macro-level variables, and the legacy of the Soviet Union explain variation in intergenerational social mobility, but the results vary depending which birth cohorts survey participants belong to and whether or not they stem from advantaged or disadvantaged social origins. These findings are robust to various alternative data, sample, and method specifications.

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Section: Political Democracymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

Political democracy, economic liberalization, and macro-sociological models of intergenerational mobility

Gugushvili

2017

Social Science Research

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“…However, it is still not clear what type of political system is most desirable for socially mobile individuals. In some postsocialist countries, small groups of people managed to succeed in transitional economic reforms (Titma & Roots, 2006). The systems within which these individuals operated typically were not full-fledged democracies.…”

Section: The Argumentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social origins of support for democracy: a study of intergenerational mobility

Gugushvili

2020

International Review of Sociology

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Recent evidence suggests that popular disaffection with liberaldemocratic norms and institutions has been growing in different regions of the world, but studying the social origins of democratic versus authoritarian political preferences are especially relevant in countries with immature democratic practices. The main concern of this article is the association between intergenerational social mobility and support for democracy in post-socialist societies. I present a theoretical framework in which individuals' political attitudes are affected by their intergenerational social mobility experiences. I model this theoretical argument using two complementary data-sets and various multivariable and multilevel statistical techniques. The results indicate that intergenerational social mobility, particularly its subjective perception, has statistically significant links with attitudes towards democracy and that this association is moderated by the attained level of democracy in the country where an individual resides. This may suggest that studying social origins of support for democracy by means of intergenerational social mobility can be an important tool to understand the conundrum of democratisation and democratic backsliding in post-socialist societies.

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“…Although transitional economic and social turbulence may, especially in the former USSR countries, have helped to maintain intergenerational fluidity through creating greater uncertainty in class returns to education and creating increased intragenerational mobility (see e.g. Titma and Roots, 2006;Saar and Unt, 2011;Bühler and Konietzka, 2011), post-communist countries are to be regarded as in general moving away from the limit; and a continuation of this movement has to be regarded as very probable.…”

Section: Theory and Interpretationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Inequality and Social Mobility: Is there an Inverse Relation?

Bukodi¹,

Goldthorpe²

2018

Preprint

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While accepting that an inverse relation of some kind exists between inequality and mobility, we begin by reviewing criticisms of recent attempts by economists to express this relation in terms of income inequality and mobility – the ‘Great Gatsby Curve’. This appears to be neither empirically secure nor theoretically well-grounded. Using a newly constructed European dataset, we then aim to show that if mobility is treated in terms of social class, rather than income, an inverse relation with social inequality can be suggested that is more complex but that has a stronger empirical and a more coherent theoretical basis. Our results indicate that European countries are best seen not as displaying entirely continuous variation in their relative rates of class mobility, but rather as falling into a number of comparatively high and low fluidity groups. We offer an interpretation of these results that starts out from the proposition that within societies with a capitalist market economy, a nuclear family system and a liberal democratic polity, some limit exists to the extent to which relative mobility rates can be brought towards equality. Variation in such rates can then be understood in terms of how close nations are to this limit, and whether they are moving towards or receding from it, but with different forms of inequality impacting on their fluidity trajectories in differing ways.

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Intragenerational Mobility in Successor States of the Ussr

Cited by 14 publications

References 22 publications

Political democracy, economic liberalization, and macro-sociological models of intergenerational mobility

Political democracy, economic liberalization, and macro-sociological models of intergenerational mobility

Social origins of support for democracy: a study of intergenerational mobility

Social Inequality and Social Mobility: Is there an Inverse Relation?

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