Interessengruppenvertretung im Deutschen Bundestag

Müller‐Rommel, Ferdinand

doi:10.1007/978-3-322-83554-3_14

Cited by 16 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…Te traditional proximity of trade unions to social democratic parties and that of business interests to liberal and Christian democratic or conservative parties prove the point (e.g. Müller-Rommel 1988 ). It follows that business interest groups should have greater access to more conservative governments and may exit to the EU level when facing a lef ist government (see Bartolini 2005 on the exit option).…”

Section: Domestic Interest Organisations and Their Venue Selection: T...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Several authors (e.g. Müller-Rommel 1988 ) suggest the ideological proximity of certain types of interests with specifc party families on the lef-right dimension -i.e. trade unions with social democratic parties and business interests with conservative, Christian democratic, or liberal parties.…”

Section: Domestic Interest Organisations and Their Venue Selection: T...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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National Interest Organizations in the EU Multilevel System

Eising¹,

Rasch²,

Rozbicka³

2020

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Political scientists have always accorded interest organizations a prominent place in European Union (EU) policy-making because they connect the EU institutions to citizens, provide important information to EU policy-makers, and control resources that impact on the problem-solving capacity of EU policies. In other words, they are vital to both the input legitimacy and the output legitimacy of the EU. So far, research on interest organizations in EU policy-making has concentrated on EU-level interest organizations and EU-level politics. Tis edited book draws attention to the role national interest organizations play in the EU multilevel system. All contributions present state-of-the-art research on that subject in the form of theory-driven empirical analyses. Te ten chapters indicate that national interest organizations have adapted to the EU's multilevel polity in terms of their strategies; their relations with parliaments, governments, and the EU institutions; as well as their collaboration with EU umbrella organizations. Especially, they ofer new insights into the alignments among national interest organizations and decision-makers, the Europeanisation of these organizations in established EU member states and candidate countries, and the existence of bias in national and EU interest group populations.Te chapters in this book were originally published in a special issue of West European Politics.

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Section: Domestic Interest Organisations and Their Venue Selection: T...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Domestic Interest Organisations and Their Venue Selection: T...mentioning

confidence: 99%

National Interest Organizations in the EU Multilevel System

Eising¹,

Rasch²,

Rozbicka³

2020

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The traditional proximity of trade unions to social democratic parties and that of business interests to liberal and Christian Democratic or Conservative Parties prove the point (e.g. Müller-Rommel 1988). It follows that business interest groups should have greater access to more conservative governments and may exit to the EU level when facing a leftist government (see Bartolini 2005 on the exit option).…”

Section: Domestic Interest Organizations and Their Venue Selection: Tmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who says what to whom? Alignments and arguments in EU policy-making

Eising

Rasch

Rozbicka

et al. 2017

West European Politics

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In the EU multilevel polity, domestic interest groups seek to shape EU legislation by accessing both national and EU institutions. Previous studies indicated that institutional and issue contexts, as well as organizational characteristics shape their strategies of interest representation. However, we know much less about how alignments and arguments impact on their participation in EU and national policy consultations. Addressing this gap, we investigate the lobbying strategies of almost 2,900 national interest organizations from five member states (Germany, the Netherlands, Slovenia, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) on 20 EU directive proposals bringing also a new empirical scope to the study of multilevel interest representation. The findings indicate that alignments and arguments shape the participation of domestic interest groups in consultations on EU policies. We infer from our study that some general predictions of interest group behaviour are overstretched and outline four variations of interest representation routines.

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