Inter-lektualitet : Læsningens semiotik og etik

Thobo-Carlsen, John

doi:10.26530/oapen_355849

Cited by 1 publication

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“…The Danish centre-right came to power with the 2001 election, especially after the Liberal Party campaigned aggressively on the health issue and criticized the Social Democratic government for the long waiting lists for hospital treatment (e.g. Thobo-Carlsen, 2001). Accordingly, the Liberal Party (or the right bloc in general) managed to steal issue ownership over health from the Social Democrats, the traditional issue owner, in the 2001 election (Andersen, 2003).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public policy-making and risk profiles: Scandinavian centre-right governments after the turn of the millennium

Arndt

2016

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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Recent theoretical advances in the welfare state literature have outlined the differences between labour market- and life course-related schemes as centre-right parties have difficulties in enacting retrenchment on life course-related schemes because these concern every voter. In contrast, the textbook risk profile of centre-right parties’ electorates allows them to cutback on labour market-related schemes as these parties get negligible support from workers and low-income voters. Conducting a comparative case study of recent Danish and Swedish centre-right governments, this article analyses the stylized assumptions on the party level by comparing two similar centre-right governments, which differed in their voter coalitions’ risk profile. I first argue that centre-right governments are generally constrained by the popular entrenchment of the universal welfare state when it comes to life course-related welfare schemes. Second, I argue that the leeway on labour market-related schemes is contingent on the actual risk profile of the centre-right’s electorate, and thereby move beyond the stylized assumptions from recent literature. In this respect, the Danish centre-right did, in contrast to its Swedish counterpart, gain power with an unusual high support among working-class voters which constrained its latitude on labour market-related schemes. I find that the Danish centre-right governments after 2001 acted with bound hands thanks to its high working-class backing, and refrained from outright cutbacks on both labour market- and life course-related schemes until 2010 except for labour market outsiders. In contrast, the Swedish centre-right had a much lower working-class backing and therefore engaged in some outright cutbacks of labour market-related schemes such as unemployment benefits directly after taking office 2006. The centre-right’s actual voter coalition’s risk profile is thus an important determinant for its public policies and its leeway for policy-seeking.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public policy-making and risk profiles: Scandinavian centre-right governments after the turn of the millennium

Arndt

2016

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

Inter-lektualitet : Læsningens semiotik og etik

Cited by 1 publication

References 3 publications

Public policy-making and risk profiles: Scandinavian centre-right governments after the turn of the millennium

Public policy-making and risk profiles: Scandinavian centre-right governments after the turn of the millennium

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