Inter- and intraspeaker variability in fundamental frequency of Thai tones

Gandour, Jack; Potisuk, Siripong; Ponglorpisit, Suvit; Dechongkit, Sumalee

doi:10.1016/0167-6393(91)90003-c

Cited by 21 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…Thai has five lexical tones [Abramson, 1962] traditionally labeled mid (M), low (L), falling (F), high (H), and rising (R). Acoustic-phonetic information on Thai tones produced in citation forms of monosyllabic words is readily accessible [Abramson, 1962;Gandour et al, 1991]. In general, these earlier studies have been found the onsets of the H and F to be higher than L and R, and M to be intermediate.…”

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confidence: 78%

Effects of Speaking Rate on Thai Tones

1999

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Effects of speaking rate on the production of lexical tones (mid, low, falling, high, rising) were investigated in Thai. Stimuli consisted of bisyllabic adverbials (first syllable unstressed, last syllable stressed) elicited in a fixed syntactic and prosodic environment. For unstressed and stressed syllables separately, F₀- and time-normalized, fitted, third-order polynomial curves were used to compare height and slope characteristics of the tonal contours at each of 11 measurement locations between fast and slow speaking rates. Results indicated that speaking rate effects on F₀ contours of unstressed syllables are more extensive, both in terms of height and slope, than those of stressed syllables. In particular, the height of F₀ contours in unstressed syllables was generally higher in the fast speaking rate when compared to the slow. Analysis of the preceding carrier syllable revealed that changes in height of F₀ contours of unstressed syllables may be due primarily to perseverative effects of tonal coarticulation rather than to stress itself. The slope of F₀ contours in unstressed syllables varied depending on range of F₀ movement. Thai tones with substantial F₀ movement (falling, high, rising) exhibited overall flatter slopes at the fast speaking rate; those tones with lesser F₀ movement (mild, low) displayed steeper slopes. Despite extensive changes in height and shape, the five-way tonal contrast appears to be maintained in unstressed syllables at a fast speaking rate albeit in a different tonal space.

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confidence: 78%

Effects of Speaking Rate on Thai Tones

1999

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“…This contour has traditionally been described as falling (cf. [3,4]) although Tumtavitikul [5] recently proposed describing the tone as a succession of level tones, H+L. In view of the fact that the amount of new spectral information is less at the beginning of the coda than at the beginning of the nucleus, it may, however, be possible that a falling contour here is perceptually coded as a true contour tone receiving the contour feature category falling (F).…”

Section: Evidence From Thaimentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In production data for the tone described as falling in Standard Thai [3,4,5,6], the falling gesture is typically produced late in the vowel or at the beginning of the sonorant coda of the syllable and is thus not restricted to the area of spectral stability of the vowel. In another study [7] it was shown that a silent interval influences tonal perception in the preceding sonorant consonant, i.e.…”

Section: Maxmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…[3,4,5]). Both tones have a falling gesture when preceded by a high tone: the low tone falls early in the vowel and the falling tone falls late in the vowel.…”

Section: Evidence From Thaimentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is t o enable pitch extraction of a relative pitch frequency to which the perception of pitch movement direction can be calibrated. Finally, the model proposes a duration constraint which 4 th International Conference on Spoken Language Processing (ICSLP 96) Philadelphia, PA, USA October [3][4][5][6]1996 ISCA Archive http://www.isca-speech.org/archive requires a vowel duration greater than 100 milliseconds for optimal movement feature perception.…”

Section: Maxmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Differential perception of tonal contours through the syllable

House

Proceeding of Fourth International Conference on Spoken Language Processing. ICSLP '96

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This paper proposes a model of differential tonal perception i n which perception of tonal movement in spoken language i s influenced by syllable structure. In the proposed model, tonal movement at syllable onset is perceptually coded differently from movement in the syllable nucleus or in the coda. An F0 contour through the syllable onset or at the beginning of the nucleus is coded as a level tone while a contour through the nucleus or at the beginning of the coda is coded as a contour tone.

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