2007
DOI: 10.1080/13510340701398287
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Institutions of Direct Democracy and Accountability in Latin America's Presidential Democracies

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Cited by 30 publications
(22 citation statements)
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“…These controls are divided into three groups. The first group includes variables related to past political behavior and political preferences, which have been argued to be central in explaining both attitudes toward peace in Colombia (Liendo and Braithwaite 2018;Weintraub et al 2015) and voting behavior in Latin American referendums more generally (Breuer 2007;Durán-Martínez 2012). In particular, we control for the percentage of votes per municipality supporting Santos in the second round of the 2014 presidential elections and for referendum turnout.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These controls are divided into three groups. The first group includes variables related to past political behavior and political preferences, which have been argued to be central in explaining both attitudes toward peace in Colombia (Liendo and Braithwaite 2018;Weintraub et al 2015) and voting behavior in Latin American referendums more generally (Breuer 2007;Durán-Martínez 2012). In particular, we control for the percentage of votes per municipality supporting Santos in the second round of the 2014 presidential elections and for referendum turnout.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unlike much of Latin America, where mechanisms of direct democracy became part of the institutional landscape during the period of electoral democratization (Breuer, 2007), direct forms of citizen participation remained limited in El Salvador. The country lacked a grassroots recall process, for example, and citizen groups could not introduce bills directly (Artiga González, 2007, 335-37;ES0117).…”
Section: From the Streets To The Chambermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Further, the decision to hold a referendum is framed by a general decline in support for Colombian political parties (Holmes and Gutiérrez De Piñeres 2012). The referendum was an attempt to legitimate both the president and his agenda and was not just a means to obtain a popular vote on a specific decision (Breuer 2007). Although Santos had won re-election in the second round with almost 51 percent of the vote in 2014, the closeness of the results meant that Santos had to look for support among other parties to create a governing coalition.…”
Section: Referendamentioning
confidence: 99%