INGO Spaces of Engagement

Yanacopulos, Helen

doi:10.1057/9781137315090_4

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…The emergence of powerful ‘advocacy hubs’ reflects an increasing gap between professional bureaucratic organisations and those with stronger ties to public grievance claims (Ferree et al, 2002: 300; see also Carpenter, 2014; Fernandes, 2005; Pieck, 2013). Ultimately, despite the rhetoric from CSOs within TANs on being able to negotiate both invited and claimed spaces, in practice, many of these organisations struggle to navigate both identities (Yanacopulos, 2015: 30).…”

Section: Transnational Public Spheres In Practice: Measuring Democratmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…TSMs, for example, often connect through physical and digital forums that prioritise marginalised voices in public deliberation (Della Porta and Rucht, 2013). Similarly, there has been a recent explosion of online campaigning organisations (OCOs) that integrate virtual community-building tools into their organisational frameworks to further de-territorialise public forms of communication (Yanacopulos, 2015). The World Social Forum and its regional deliberative spin-offs utilise innovative ‘open space’ (Rucht, 2012) dialogic techniques that improve both the inclusiveness and participatory parity of opinion-formation.…”

Section: Transnational Public Spheres In Practice: Measuring Democratmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Transnational civil society and informal public spheres in the nuclear non-proliferation regime

Norman

2018

European Journal of International Relations

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Scholars charting the emergence of transnational public spheres often focus on the socio-spatial sites that are generated by Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in their interactions with the institutions of global governance. These sites can either reflect strong public spheres within the formal decision-making structures of international regimes, or segmented and general public spheres on their periphery. In practice, they all suffer key democratic deficiencies in either the ability to communicatively generate public opinion or achieve collective will-formation. I argue that if CSOs can successfully weave together both general and segmented public spheres on the periphery of international regimes, their individual democratic deficiencies could be addressed. To demonstrate evidence of these interconnected 'informal public spheres' I turn to the nuclear non-proliferation regime where public deliberation has been largely invisible and ineffectual within the formal decision-making structures of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The emergence of a new CSO-led 'humanitarian initiative' on the periphery of the regime comprising multi-stakeholder initiatives in conjunction with CSO social forums, reflects the interconnection of segmented and general public spheres. This innovative initiative has effectively enhanced transnational public debate on disarmament, whilst gaining crucial political traction within the regime.

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Section: Transnational Public Spheres In Practice: Measuring Democratmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Transnational Public Spheres In Practice: Measuring Democratmentioning

confidence: 99%

Transnational civil society and informal public spheres in the nuclear non-proliferation regime

Norman

2018

European Journal of International Relations

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“…Second, development organizations may not have embraced the idea that their role is representative, but nonelectoral representation is an arguably a growing reality in development as elsewhere. Development organizations often engage in advocacy involving acting on behalf of specific groups, and this appears to be increasing, especially for INGOs (Yanacopulos, 2015). The consequences of this shift for Southern CSOs are unclear but will affect those working with INGO funding.…”

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confidence: 99%

Representation by Development Organizations: Evidence From India and Implications for Inclusive Development

Katyaini

Wessel

Sahoo

2021

The Journal of Environment & Development

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This article focuses on development organizations’ construction of representative roles in their work at the environment–development interface and on implications of these constructions for inclusiveness. While much of the past literature on representation has dealt with electoral representation, this article highlights the importance of nonelectoral representation. It follows a constructivist approach and is based on 36 in-depth interviews with the staff of different types of India-based development organizations working on disaster risk management. The article shows how development organizations in India contribute to inclusive development by representing groups that are vulnerable to disaster risk in diverse ways. Showing this diversity and how it is mediated by organizations, the article makes clear that representation is much more complex than literature commonly suggests. This complexity enables organizations to engage with specific dimensions of inclusive development. The article also illustrates how representation by development organizations happens through opportunities found and created through the intertwining of capacity development, service delivery, and advocacy. At the same time, the mediated nature of representation, and its embeddedness in a wide set of relations, makes representation by development organizations indirect and questionable in ways beyond the commonly understood dominance of powerful nongovernmental organizations.

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“…These debates have been rather polarized, tending to conceptualize such changes as either a ‘boon’ or a ‘bane’ (Powers, 2016b). Optimistic critics argue that NGOs have the potential to enhance the diversity, dynamism and social engagement of journalism (Beckett, 2008; Sambrook, 2010), whilst others see progressive potential in NGOs’ ability to engage in new forms of mediated forms of advocacy (Reese, 2015; Yanacopulos, 2015). However, more pessimistic scholars view NGOs as undermining the critical independence of mainstream news: skewing public understandings of the problems faced by those in the Global South and leading to misguided forms of collective action (Davies, 2008; Franks, 2013).…”

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confidence: 99%

‘Helping our beneficiaries tell their own stories?’ International aid agencies and the politics of voice within news production

Wright

2018

Global Media and Communication

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International aid agencies often claim to give the poor and disenfranchised a voice by helping them tell their stories to others located far away. But how do aid workers conceptualize and operationalize a politics of voice within media production processes? How do ideas about giving voice to others shape aid agencies’ engagement with mainstream news organizations? This article explores two contrasting news production case studies which took place in South Sudan and Mali, involving Save the Children, Christian Aid and their local partners. It finds that different approaches to giving voice exist in aid work, creating tensions within and between agencies. In addition commercialized notions of value for money, the influence of mediated donor reporting, and aid workers’ weak understandings of linguistic and intercultural interpretation combined to make aid agencies’ values-in-action far less empowering than they assumed.

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INGO Spaces of Engagement

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

Transnational civil society and informal public spheres in the nuclear non-proliferation regime

Transnational civil society and informal public spheres in the nuclear non-proliferation regime

Representation by Development Organizations: Evidence From India and Implications for Inclusive Development

‘Helping our beneficiaries tell their own stories?’ International aid agencies and the politics of voice within news production

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