Inequalities in Young Adults’ Electoral and Non-institutionalised Modes of Political Participation in Greece: Similar or Diverse Patterns?

Kalogeraki, Stefania

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-63676-0_6

Cited by 8 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…The study chose peaceful demonstrations as the proxy for protest behavior from the different kinds of protest actions, because it is relatively more common, familiar, and also received the highest response rate from young people among the four types of protest activities within the WVS database. Also importantly, the literature identifies peaceful demonstrations as one of the most common “public displays of protests” (Campante & Chor, 2014, p. 497), and a growing form of non-institutionalized political expression among the youth (Kalogeraki, 2021; Sloam, 2016). The WVS asked respondents whether in relation to peaceful demonstrations , they; “have done, might do it or would never under any circumstances.” Norris (2003, p. 11) argues, however, that hypothetical questions such as asking whether a respondent “might do” something are limiting in their ability to predict actual behavior, compared with others which assess routine behavior actually done or not done.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Youth Cohort Size, Structural Socioeconomic Conditions, and Youth Protest Behavior in Democratic Societies (1995–2014)

Nkansah

2022

Sage Open

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Conventional literature associates large youth cohort size (YCS) with increased risk of political violence in countries with such demographic profiles. Key questions which remain unanswered, however, are whether YCS is also associated with young people’s proclivities toward more peaceful forms of protests, and whether structural socioeconomic conditions influence such a relationship? Using multilevel binary logistic regression techniques on pooled individual level data for 51 democratic countries purposively sampled from World Values Survey Waves 3 to 6, and country level data from World Bank, and UN Population Division, I show that YCS demonstrates a positive relationship with young people’s participation in peaceful demonstrations. This relationship is, however, moderated by structural factors such as education and unemployment, which end up reducing young people’s likelihood of participation. I argue that resource limitation, as predicted by the Civic Voluntarism Model, better explains the relationship between YCS and individual youth protest behavior in democratic societies, more than socioeconomic grievance, as suggested by grievance theory. An important implication of this finding is that participation in elite-challenging behaviors such as peaceful protests, can be expected to be more common among young people in affluent democratic societies, than their peers elsewhere in the democratic world.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Youth Cohort Size, Structural Socioeconomic Conditions, and Youth Protest Behavior in Democratic Societies (1995–2014)

Nkansah

2022

Sage Open

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“…Moreover, Sloam (2013) found support for the grievance-based theories and showed that European young individuals from the poorest households are more active in demonstrating than their wealthier counterparts. Research focusing on Greek youth concludes that socioeconomic determinants are not so clearly associated with young adults' protest-oriented political participation (Kalogeraki, 2021).…”

Section: Theoretical Approaches and Research Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although some scholars support that educational attainment is one of the most consistent predictors of political participation including demonstrations (Dalton et al 2003;Gallego, 2007;Marien et al 2010;Stolle, Hooghe, 2011), others underline that educational biases in demonstrating are limited (Van Aelst, Walgrave, 2001). Specifically, in Greece, research on youth indicates that higher educational attainment is associated with young adults' participation in non-institutionalized protest-oriented acts, such as demonstrations, strikes and occupy movements (Kalogeraki, 2021). Gender has been long considered one of the key determinants of political participation, with men being more politically active than women (Verba et al 1995), yet this gender gap has been closing for non-institutionalized political acts including demonstrating (Dalton, 2002;Stolle, Hooghe, 2011;Teorell et al 2007).…”

Section: Theoretical Approaches and Research Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The ‘Normalization’ of Young Protestors in Greece

Kalogeraki¹

2023

Youth in Central and Eastern Europe

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During the last decades, the number of demonstrations as well as of demonstrators has significantly increased in most Western European countries. Some scholars support that protesting has become so widespread leading to the ‘normalization’ of the demonstrators. Overall research examining the ‘normalization thesis’ of street youth protest by analyzing representative datasets is extremely scarce. The chapter by analyzing youth-over-sampled survey data collected as part of the EURYKA project examines key socioeconomic determinants in participating in demonstrations among Greek young adults aged 18-34 years old. Greece is an exceptionally interesting case study to examine the ‘normalization thesis’ of youth protesting as the recent recession and its severe socioeconomic impacts triggered an exceptional wave of protest mobilization where Greek youth was one of the main protest claimants. The findings indicate that the socioeconomic determinants under study, such as gender, educational attainment, income, and occupational class, do not play a significant role in predicting youth demonstrating in Greece. Such preliminary evidence provides empirical support to the ‘normalization thesis’ and accords with related studies underscoring that during the massive anti-austerity protests Greek citizens from a broad range of social strata were mobilized in protest activities.

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“…Pada saat yang sama, latar belakang keluarga, pendidikan dan sumber daya yang berhubungan erat dengan keadilan sosial dalam mekanisme ekonomi dan mobilitas sosial sampai saat ini menjadi variabel distingsi dari keterlibatan pemuda dalam realitas politik (Kiess, 2021) yang terus menuai problematika krusial di negara Jerman. Determinasi secara individualitas cukup fundamen dalam melakukan penyelidikan signifikansi holistik masalah partisipasi dan ketidaksetaraan pemuda di Yunani, bahwa kondisi ekonomi secara kontekstual mempengaruhi mobilisasi kalangan muda yang heterogen dalam memperjuangkan hak mereka melalui partisipasi politik yang belum dilembagakan (Kalogeraki, 2021). Untuk menjamin keterlibatan politik melalui kualitas repertoar perilaku dalam skala lebih luas, di Swiss misalnya bahwa kompleksitas pada sistem politik harus diimbangi dengan pelembagaan budaya pengembangan keterampilan, pengetahuan dan sumber daya, yang berimplikasi menjanjikan terhadap partisipasi politik generasi muda (Holecz, Fernández dan Giugni, 2021).…”

Section: Pendahuluanunclassified

Konstruksi Dasar Masalah Implementasi Kebijakan Kepemudaan Di Kabupaten Cianjur Dalam Perspektif Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan

Hakim¹,

Darmawan²,

Anggraeni³

2022

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Konfigurasi dan signifikansi dari seluruh indikator pengukuran dalam Indeks Pembangunan Pemuda (IPP) dengan trajektori pencapaian tahun 2018 di Kabupaten Cianjur yang dikualifikasikan dalam performa rendah, tidak akan dapat menunjang perkembangan generasi muda menjadi pribadi dewasa yang mandiri, penuh potensi dan bertanggung jawab sebagai bagian dari masyarakat. Tujuan terdalam konstruksi kebijakan kepemudaan untuk menempatkan kalangan muda dalam takhta tertinggi sebagai atraktor yang menjadi region magnetik akselerasi perubahan dalam realitas bermasyarakat masih merupakan fiksi kebijakan yang belum tercapai. Penelitian ini mempergunakan pendekatan kombinasi melalui metode survei, studi implementasi dan studi evaluasi kebijakan dengan bertumpu pada pendekatan behavioralisme dan neo-institusionalisme. Bahwa hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa: (1) Sekalipun penyelidikan terkait persepsi sebagai orientasi nilai dalam taraf signifikansi tertentu merepresentasikan distorsi, namun pemuda Kabupaten Cianjur tidak pernah terlibat langsung dalam inklusivitas jaringan kebijakan kepemudaan yang secara diametrik ambivalen dengan persepsi konstruktif terhadap pelayanan kepemudaan yang wajib secara prosedur dilaksanakan Disparpora, DPD KNPI, Karang Taruna dan Gerakan Pramuka termasuk terhadap pembangunan pemuda berbasis pendekatan Organisasi 4-H. (2) Trajektori implementasi dari implementor kebijakan terkait masih terbatas pada skema dengan taraf signifikansi prakonsep yang belum otonom dan monoton, sehingga belum dapat mereduksi potensi masalah kepemudaan. (3) Keberadaan dari kekuatan institusi formal dan informal ternyata tidak secara ekspresif menghadirkan guidelines dan constraints baik dalam pemilihan tindakan, dalam melakukan proses proyeksi terkait probabilitas hambatan dalam tahapan implementasi maupun dalam membangun desain evaluasi kebijakan yang dapat diverifikasi dalam praktik global. Adapun bentuk implikasi krusial dari penelitian ini menghadirkan sebuah moralitas baru dalam melakukan proses penyelidikan terhadap kebijakan kepemudaan dalam mendorong transformasi pelayanan kepemudaan yang lebih moderat.

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Inequalities in Young Adults’ Electoral and Non-institutionalised Modes of Political Participation in Greece: Similar or Diverse Patterns?

Cited by 8 publications

References 32 publications

Youth Cohort Size, Structural Socioeconomic Conditions, and Youth Protest Behavior in Democratic Societies (1995–2014)

Youth Cohort Size, Structural Socioeconomic Conditions, and Youth Protest Behavior in Democratic Societies (1995–2014)

The ‘Normalization’ of Young Protestors in Greece

Konstruksi Dasar Masalah Implementasi Kebijakan Kepemudaan Di Kabupaten Cianjur Dalam Perspektif Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan

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