2017
DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x17000538
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Ineffective and Counterproductive? The Impact of Gender Quotas in Open-List Proportional Representation Systems

Abstract: Research on the impact of gender quotas in open-list proportional representation systems has described quotas as ineffective or even paradoxical. While some authors argue that gender quotas without a placement mandate will be essentially ineffective since most women will be nominated to unpromising positions, others suppose that women will be disadvantaged by gender quotas because the increase in the number of female candidates will decrease the average number of preferential votes cast for women. We reexamine… Show more

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Cited by 16 publications
(23 citation statements)
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References 56 publications
(103 reference statements)
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“…For example, Kunovich (2012) considered the top three positions as a simple definition of a prominent ballot placement, relating her approach to the 35% threshold of the candidate gender quota. On the other hand, Górecki and Kukołowicz (2014, 71), followed by Jankowski and Marcinkiewicz (2017), related the definition of a viable position to party magnitude. They defined “viable” or “promising” positions as top- N positions on each list, where for parties winning seats in a given district, N equals twice the party magnitude.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…For example, Kunovich (2012) considered the top three positions as a simple definition of a prominent ballot placement, relating her approach to the 35% threshold of the candidate gender quota. On the other hand, Górecki and Kukołowicz (2014, 71), followed by Jankowski and Marcinkiewicz (2017), related the definition of a viable position to party magnitude. They defined “viable” or “promising” positions as top- N positions on each list, where for parties winning seats in a given district, N equals twice the party magnitude.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…More precisely, the models controlling for ballot placement do not verify whether voters generally prefer women over men but whether the potential imbalance in their preferences systematically corrects the parties’ bias, already inscribed in the ballot placement pattern. Matland (2005, 105) even argues that “women do better with voters than they do with the party committees putting together party lists, that is, the preferential vote leads to a greater representation of women.” Several analyses demonstrate that there is, on average, no significant gender bias in voters’ choices (Jankowski and Marcinkiewicz 2017; McElroy and Marsh 2010). It is clear, however, that voters’ choices under OLPR most frequently follow the pattern of ballot ranking provided by the parties; voters to a large extent prefer the same candidates as party elites.…”
Section: Female Representation In Olprmentioning
confidence: 99%
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