Abstract:False recognition of new test words is higher for experimental lures (e.g., universal) with initial phonemes identical to studied words (e.g., university) than for control lures. A proposed mechanism to explain this phenomenon involves implicit activation of potential solution words during the brief period of uncertainty immediately following onset of a spoken study word. Two experiments examined whether the presumed pre-recognition processing during the stimulus discovery phase of spoken word identification i… Show more
“…After hearing such a list, listeners falsely remembered the unheard word back on average 65 to 70% of the time (Sommers & Lewis 1999). Several studies have reported similar results, for both serial recall and yes/no recognition tasks, and established the robustness of false phonological memories (Wallace, Stewart & Malone 1995;Schacter, Verfaellie & Anes 1997;Wallace et al 1998;Wallace et al 2001;Westbury, Buchanan & Brown 2002;Watson, Balota & Roediger 2003;Amberg, Yamashita & Wallace 2004;Garoff-Eaton, Kensinger & Schacter 2007;Ballardini, Yamashita & Wallace 2008;Ballou & Sommers 2008). In our study, we asked participants to listen to lists of neighbors such as popa, sepa, soja, etc.…”
[s]opa ~ *[h]opa 'soup'). At study, participants listened to lists of nine words that were phonological neighbors of an unheard critical item (e.g., popa, sepa, soja, etc. for the critical item sopa). At test, participants performed free recall and yes/no recognition tasks. Replicating previous work in this paradigm, results showed robust false memory effects: that is, participants were more likely to (falsely) remember a critical item than a random intrusion. When the realization of /s/ was consistent across conditions (Experiment 1), false memory rates for varying versus non-varying words did not significantly differ. However, when the realization of /s/ varied between [s] and [h] in those positions which allow it (Experiment 2), false recognition rates for varying words like busto were significantly higher than those for non-varying words like sopa. Assuming that higher false memory rates are indicative of greater lexical activation, we interpret these results to support the predictions of exemplar theory, which claims that words with heterogeneous versus homogeneous acoustic realizations should exhibit distinct patterns of activation.
“…After hearing such a list, listeners falsely remembered the unheard word back on average 65 to 70% of the time (Sommers & Lewis 1999). Several studies have reported similar results, for both serial recall and yes/no recognition tasks, and established the robustness of false phonological memories (Wallace, Stewart & Malone 1995;Schacter, Verfaellie & Anes 1997;Wallace et al 1998;Wallace et al 2001;Westbury, Buchanan & Brown 2002;Watson, Balota & Roediger 2003;Amberg, Yamashita & Wallace 2004;Garoff-Eaton, Kensinger & Schacter 2007;Ballardini, Yamashita & Wallace 2008;Ballou & Sommers 2008). In our study, we asked participants to listen to lists of neighbors such as popa, sepa, soja, etc.…”
[s]opa ~ *[h]opa 'soup'). At study, participants listened to lists of nine words that were phonological neighbors of an unheard critical item (e.g., popa, sepa, soja, etc. for the critical item sopa). At test, participants performed free recall and yes/no recognition tasks. Replicating previous work in this paradigm, results showed robust false memory effects: that is, participants were more likely to (falsely) remember a critical item than a random intrusion. When the realization of /s/ was consistent across conditions (Experiment 1), false memory rates for varying versus non-varying words did not significantly differ. However, when the realization of /s/ varied between [s] and [h] in those positions which allow it (Experiment 2), false recognition rates for varying words like busto were significantly higher than those for non-varying words like sopa. Assuming that higher false memory rates are indicative of greater lexical activation, we interpret these results to support the predictions of exemplar theory, which claims that words with heterogeneous versus homogeneous acoustic realizations should exhibit distinct patterns of activation.
In tasks such as lexical decision, people respond differently to morphologically complex words compared to morphologically simple ones (e.g. in English, lies vs. rise). These divergent responses could conceivably arise from differences in activation levels, or alternatively, from the additional steps required to decompose complex words. To investigate this issue, we used the Deese-Roediger-McDermott (DRM) false memory paradigm, which probes activation of lexical representations by measuring the probability of recalling or recognizing a word (such as lies) after listening to a list of its phonological neighbors (such as wise, lose, lime, etc.). Our results showed a significant false memory effect for complex words, which demonstrates that similar-sounding words can activate representations for stem-plus-affix combinations. Our results also showed no significant difference between false memory rates for complex versus simple words, which suggests that complex stem-plus-affix representations activate at levels equivalent to those of simple stem representations. These findings indicate that differences in activation level probably do not lie at the source of divergent responses to complex and simple words, and that decomposition is the more likely origin.
Spoken word recognition involves brief activation of candidate words. Six experiments examined whether words semantically related to phonologically activated words would be falsely recognized. Experiments 1 and 2 involved homophones as test words; Experiment 3 used strong associates for the semantic mediation link. Experiment 4 approximated lists of "strong" converging associates. Experiment 5 expanded the real time needed for word identification by using a gating procedure during study. In Experiment 6, the goal was to create a more sensitive test by requiring participants to indicate which of two lures (mediated or control) was "most likely" to be new. Recognition errors were sensitive to separate phonetic and semantic stages in the mediated chain; however, there was little evidence of mediated false recognition, despite expectations derived from common models of spreading activation.
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