Many phonetic and phonological processes resemble one another, which has led some researchers to suggest that phonetics and phonology are essentially the same. This study compares phonetic and phonological processes of consonant lengthening by analyzing duration measurements collected from Hungarian speakers (n = 14). Affricates, which crucially possess a two-part structure, were placed in target positions. Results show that affricates regularly undergo phonetic lengthening at phrase boundaries, and the affected portion of the affricate is always that which lies closer to the boundary. Affricates also regularly undergo phonological lengthening when next to a geminating suffix, but the affected portion of the affricate is always the stop closure. Thus, while phonetic lengthening observes a strict respect for locality, phonological lengthening does not, and we conclude that the two processes are in fact quite different from one another.
We investigate the hypothesis that duration and spectral differences in vowels before voiceless versus voiced codas originate from a single source, namely the reorganization of articulatory gestures relative to one another in time. As a test case, we examine the American English diphthong /aɪ/, in which the acoustic manifestations of the nucleus /a/ and offglide /ɪ/ gestures are relatively easy to identify, and we use the ratio of nucleus-to-offglide duration as an index of the temporal distance between these gestures. Experiment 1 demonstrates that, in production, the ratio is smaller before voiceless codas than before voiced codas; this effect is consistent across speakers as well as changes in speech rate and phrasal position. Experiment 2 demonstrates that, in perception, diphthongs with contextually incongruent ratios delay listeners’ identification of target words containing voiceless codas, even when the other durational and spectral correlates of voicing remain intact. This, we argue, is evidence that listeners are sensitive to the gestural origins of voicing differences. Both sets of results support the idea that the voicing contrast triggers changes in timing: gestures are close to one another in time before voiceless codas, but separated from one another before voiced codas.
Despite differences in parsimony and philosophical orientation, physical and abstract theories of phonology often make similar empirical predictions. This study examines a case where they do not : gemination restrictions in Hungarian. While both types of theory correctly prohibit the lengthening of a consonant when flanked by another consonant, they make different predictions regarding both the relative duration changes within a target consonant and the applicability of restrictions to lengthening processes besides gemination. In two speechproduction experiments, these predictions are evaluated by measuring stop and frication durations within affricates. Results show that relative duration changes occur, and that the restriction holds only for gemination, supporting an abstract theory. Yet results also indicate that gemination exhibits sensitivity to inherent durational differences between affricates, providing some support for a physical theory. Thus I argue that an adequate theory of phonology must include abstract constituents, alongside a limited, principled set of physical landmarks. * I am grateful to Peter Dienes, who wrote the stimulus sentences for Experiment 1.Four anonymous reviewers and the editors of Phonology provided constructive criticism, which greatly improved the paper. Audiences provided useful feedback at
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