Immigrant Working Mothers Reconciling Work and Childcare: the Experience of Latin American and Eastern European Women in Milan

Engendering the fertility-migration nexus: The role of women's migratory patterns in the analysis of fertility after migration

“…Large numbers of migrant women who have children are forced to leave their job because they have limited maternity rights, irregular working hours (holidays, evenings, or nights), or obligatory live-in arrangements. However, leaving the labor force may not be an option for independent women, who may need proof of a regular income in order to maintain their work permit, or who need a full-time job to support their family abroad (Bonizzoni 2014). This is especially the case for female breadwinners and for women who move, either temporarily or permanently, after the break-up of a partnership, perhaps leaving some of their children in the country of origin.…”

“…This analysis was conducted in Italy, a country where − as in most western countries − there is an over-representation of third-country immigrants among lower status workers, limited job mobility for migrants, and occupational gender segregation (Fullin and Reyneri 2011). A family-centered welfare regime which suffers from rigidity, inappropriateness, and a limited availability of services for children under age three are conditions which strongly affect women's fertility outcomes, and especially those of female workers, irrespective of their migration background (Ferrera 2006;OECD 2012;Bonizzoni 2014). It may be the case that in countries where there is no negative association between a woman's involvement in the labor market and having larger numbers of children, and where it is relatively easy to combine childrearing and employment (Andersson and Scott 2007), the differences between these categories are less evident.…”

Too sick to move: distant ‘crisis’ care in transnational families

“…Transnational caregiving or 'distant care' has received little recognition as an area of policy development, yet those migrants who are involved in caring for overseas-based kin are affected, often negatively, by legislation and policy in a range of portfolio areas including citizenship and immigration (visa regimes and family reunification policies), social security (in particular, bilateral arrangements on welfare provisions), work-place relations (including employment leave entitlements), telecommunications (most importantly, access to affordable resources), health and travel insurance (which is increasingly limited as a person ages), and even language (See Baldassar et al 2007, final chapter). These 'macro' factors of state regulation also intersect with the local provisions (in the home and host countries) of both the formal and informal care resources available to people (depending not just on local welfare regimes but also on personal economic resources) (Bonizzoni 2014).…”

To work or not to work? Immigrant women and work between constraints and opportunities: a comparison between Lombardy and Cataluña

“…However, the availability of the husband's income might allow women to work for fewer hours (Bonizzoni 2014a , Giele 2006, Bonizzoni 2014a) when seen together with changes in policies and welfare programmes that improve work-family reconciliation (Giele 2006). Moreover, the gender contract may vary in different local contexts (Forsberg 1998 AQ9 ), adapting to the different structure of the job market and the available opportunities for men and women.…”