<i>CUI BONO?</i>THE 1870 BRITISH MARRIED WOMEN'S PROPERTY ACT, BARGAINING POWER, AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESOURCES WITHIN MARRIAGE

Combs, Mary Beth

doi:10.1080/13545700500508262

Cited by 27 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 38 publications

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“…These sources often allow the identification of women who acted without the assistance and support of male kin, and when integrated with local demographic data give some idea of participation rates within particular sectors and occupations (Hannah Barker 2006;Nicola Phillips 2006;Alison C. Kay 2009;Jennifer Aston 2012;Bernadita Escobar 2012). Wills and probate records also provide insight into women's activity rates (Mary Beth Combs 2006Juanjo Romero-Marin 2006;Angels Solà 2006). Figure 1 summarizes the revised rates presented in the research, including those studies published in Feminist Economics 18(4) and forthcoming volumes.…”

Section: Overcoming Underregistration: Alternative Approachesmentioning

confidence: 98%

Off the Record: Reconstructing Women's Labor Force Participation in the European Past

Humphries¹,

Sarasúa²

2012

Feminist Economics

160

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Conventional histories of women's labor force participation in Europe conceptualize the trends in terms of a U-shaped pattern. This contribution draws on historical research to challenge such an account. First, it demonstrates that the trough in participation is in part statistically manufactured by uncritical reliance on official sources that systematically undercount women workers. Second, it exploits nonstandard sources to construct alternative estimates of women's participation. Third, it analyzes the reconstructed rates to determine their congruence with neoclassical economics and modern empirical studies. Not all posited relationships time travel. Supply-side factors such as marital status and number and age of children are major determinants of modern women's decision to enter the labor force, yet appear less prominent in historical contexts. Instead, the demand for labor seems decisive. Finally, the Ushaped curve is not entirely a statistical artifact, but appears to evolve at higher levels of participation than usually suggested. KEYWORDSEconomic development, economic history, economic growth, women's labor force participation, family wage, labor market inequality JEL Codes: J01, J16

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Section: Overcoming Underregistration: Alternative Approachesmentioning

confidence: 98%

Off the Record: Reconstructing Women's Labor Force Participation in the European Past

Humphries¹,

Sarasúa²

2012

Feminist Economics

160

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“…Similarly, the nature of marital property regimes affects the incentives of men and women in the household to invest in joint or individually controlled assets. For example, Combs (2006) discusses how the Married Women's Property Act in England resulted in women investing in property that they owned. However, legal mandates for gender equity may not necessarily affect the local level if they run counter to traditional norms, unless the state has very strong enforcement capacity.…”

Section: (C) Institutional Arrangementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Collective Action within the Household: Insights from Natural Resource Management

Doss

Meinzen‐Dick

2015

World Development

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Households face many collective action situations, with members working together to produce livelihoods and allocate goods. But neither unitary nor bargaining models of the household provide frameworks to analyze the conditions under which households work collectively and when they fail to do so. Drawing on the Institutional Analysis and Development Framework based in the natural resource management literature, this paper explores the factors that encourage and inhibit collective action and provides insights into how to understand collective action problems within the household as dynamic, multi-actor situations with outcomes that can be evaluated by multiple criteria, not just efficiency.

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“…An iconic one in Common Law countries was women's marital status, with both being unmarried or widowed providing facilitating conditions for women's entrepreneurship (Ivy Pinchbeck 1930), 2 perhaps due to the limited scope of the economic rights held by married women in Common Law countries such as the United States and the United Kingdom. The Married Women's Property Acts in the late nineteenth century that strengthened women's economic rights have been 3 Downloaded by [University of Sussex Library] at 05:23 30 June 2016 associated with an increasing presence of women in business (Khan 1996), 3 and a greater share of household property (Mary Beth Combs 2007).…”

Section: Debating Trends In Women's Entepreneurshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…7 Despite the relative success of such policies, schooling rates remained relatively low for both genders at the turn of the century. 8 Under Spanish rule and later republican laws, the economic rights of married women in Latin American countries were relatively more generous than those found in Common Law countries (Carmen Diana Deere and Magdalena León 2005;Deere and Doss 2006), at least until the enactment 5 Downloaded by [University of Sussex Library] at 05:23 30 June 2016 of the US and UK Married Women's Property Acts in the 1870s (Khan 1996;Combs 2007). While married women were regarded as non-autonomous economic actors in Hispanic America, just as in Common Law countries, 9 a major difference was that in the former, married women were entitled to 50 percent of marital community property in case the marriage was dissolved due to death, ecclesiastic divorce, or annulment.…”

Section: Women's Entrepreneurship In Late Nineteenth-century Chilementioning

confidence: 99%

Women in Business in Late Nineteenth-Century Chile: Class, Marital Status, and Economic Autonomy

Andrae¹

2016

Feminist Economics

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This article analyzes Chilean women's entrepreneurial activity in the 1877-1908 period examining two official data sources representing different socioeconomic business niches -the national trademark registry, which represents the elite among business people, and the Santiago business license registry, which includes the non-elite. The analysis reveals an economy with women engaging increasingly in business in an expanding range of sectors. By the 1890s, women managed nearly a quarter of Santiago's firms and 5 percent of elite firms nationally. Widows appeared overrepresented among elite businesses and underrepresented among those of the non-elite. These results suggest that institutions constraining entrepreneurship among married women were more strongly enforced among the elite than among other social classes. The evidence thus suggests that during late nineteenth century there was an increase in the economic autonomy exercised by unmarried women and widows of all socioeconomic strata, but also by married women among the non-elite.

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CUI BONO?THE 1870 BRITISH MARRIED WOMEN'S PROPERTY ACT, BARGAINING POWER, AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESOURCES WITHIN MARRIAGE

Cited by 27 publications

References 38 publications

Off the Record: Reconstructing Women's Labor Force Participation in the European Past

Off the Record: Reconstructing Women's Labor Force Participation in the European Past

Collective Action within the Household: Insights from Natural Resource Management

Women in Business in Late Nineteenth-Century Chile: Class, Marital Status, and Economic Autonomy

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