Abstract:In an Editorial, Ligia Kiss and Cathy Zimmerman discuss the need for research on the prevention of human trafficking and mitigation of its effects.
“…Women may have minimal levels of control over household decisions or migration decision making with agents and when they reach employers, their welfare and wellbeing is often entirely dependent on them. Employers’ rights will generally dominate the rights of domestic workers because of social norms and weak implementation of legislation, where it exists, which means that domestic workers will have few avenues to assert new knowledge in a power relationship that widens as women progress along the path of migration [ 7 ].…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Awareness-raising activities operate under the programmatic assumption that if individuals are equipped with knowledge about risks, labour and migration regulations and documentation and their rights, they will be safer during migration and at work [ 6 ]. However, recent calls for better evidence and evaluation of interventions to prevent exploitation have suggested the multi-dimensional nature of the risks of human trafficking beyond individual knowledge and behaviour [ 7 ].…”
Background Awareness-raising and pre-migration training are popular strategies to prevent human trafficking. Programmatic theories assume that when prospective migrants are equipped with information about risks, they will make more-informed choices, ultimately resulting in safe migration. In 2016, India was estimated to have 8 million people in modern slavery, including those who migrate internally for work. Work in Freedom (WiF) was a community-based trafficking prevention intervention. This study evaluated WiF's pre-migration knowledge-building activities for female migrants in Odisha to prevent future labour-related exploitation. Methods Pre-and post-training questionnaires were administered to women (N = 347) who participated in a two-day pre-migration training session. Descriptive analysis and unadjusted analyses (paired t-tests, McNemar's tests, Wilcoxon signed ranks tests) examined differences in women's knowledge scores before and after training. Adjusted analyses used mixed effects models to explore whether receiving information on workers' rights or working away from home prior to the training was associated with changes in scores. Additionally, we used data from a household survey (N = 4,671) and survey of female migrants (N = 112) from a population sample in the same district to evaluate the intervention's rationale and implementation strategy. Results Female participants were on average 37.3 years-old (SD 11) and most (67.9%) had no formal education. Only 11 participants (3.2%) had previous migration experience. Most participants (90.5%) had previously received information or advice on workers' rights or working
“…Women may have minimal levels of control over household decisions or migration decision making with agents and when they reach employers, their welfare and wellbeing is often entirely dependent on them. Employers’ rights will generally dominate the rights of domestic workers because of social norms and weak implementation of legislation, where it exists, which means that domestic workers will have few avenues to assert new knowledge in a power relationship that widens as women progress along the path of migration [ 7 ].…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Awareness-raising activities operate under the programmatic assumption that if individuals are equipped with knowledge about risks, labour and migration regulations and documentation and their rights, they will be safer during migration and at work [ 6 ]. However, recent calls for better evidence and evaluation of interventions to prevent exploitation have suggested the multi-dimensional nature of the risks of human trafficking beyond individual knowledge and behaviour [ 7 ].…”
Background Awareness-raising and pre-migration training are popular strategies to prevent human trafficking. Programmatic theories assume that when prospective migrants are equipped with information about risks, they will make more-informed choices, ultimately resulting in safe migration. In 2016, India was estimated to have 8 million people in modern slavery, including those who migrate internally for work. Work in Freedom (WiF) was a community-based trafficking prevention intervention. This study evaluated WiF's pre-migration knowledge-building activities for female migrants in Odisha to prevent future labour-related exploitation. Methods Pre-and post-training questionnaires were administered to women (N = 347) who participated in a two-day pre-migration training session. Descriptive analysis and unadjusted analyses (paired t-tests, McNemar's tests, Wilcoxon signed ranks tests) examined differences in women's knowledge scores before and after training. Adjusted analyses used mixed effects models to explore whether receiving information on workers' rights or working away from home prior to the training was associated with changes in scores. Additionally, we used data from a household survey (N = 4,671) and survey of female migrants (N = 112) from a population sample in the same district to evaluate the intervention's rationale and implementation strategy. Results Female participants were on average 37.3 years-old (SD 11) and most (67.9%) had no formal education. Only 11 participants (3.2%) had previous migration experience. Most participants (90.5%) had previously received information or advice on workers' rights or working
“…Alongside this, and for prevention projects, in particular, there is also a need to expand understanding of human trafficking to assess the myriad of contextual factors and underlying systems that combine to cause human trafficking. For example, any impact assessments of labor trafficking projects should look at labor migration policies, social protections, and transparent labor recruitment methods (Kiss & Zimmerman, 2019). This also requires a change in donor behavior to prioritize robust evaluation and see impact evaluation as a tool to assess these broader interventions.…”
Section: Improving Monitoring and Evaluation Of Anti-trafficking Intementioning
In 2016, there were an estimated 40.3 million victims of modern slavery in the world, more than were enslaved during the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Since the adoption of the 2000 UN Trafficking Protocol, numerous efforts from inter-governmental agencies, governmental agencies, international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), and domestic non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have strived to combat the phenomena of human trafficking through legal-institutional means, direct interventions, and programs of support for those exploited. This anti-trafficking work has paid varying degrees of attention to the principles and methods of monitoring, evaluation, and impact assessment, but has often been subject to the end of project evaluations. Similar to findings of reviews of evaluations in the international development sector, evaluations of anti-trafficking programing have primarily focused on assessing the progress of project implementation and the achievement of outputs, rather than tracking the achievement of outcomes or impact. This is further complicated by the hidden nature of human trafficking and the trauma experienced by humantrafficking victims. As a consequence, despite some evidence of raised awareness and increased levels of funding, organizations are still struggling to demonstrate impact and discern what works to combat human trafficking. This article analyses the evaluations of counter-trafficking programing produced since the Protocol to draw conclusions regarding the lessons learned from these interventions and the methods used to monitor and evaluate human-trafficking programs. By highlighting gaps, this article provides a series of suggestions on how to better track progress and impact toward the elimination of modern slavery.
“…The complex interplay of social, economic, political, and cultural factors that give rise to labor trafficking demands such a comprehensive approach to developing effective interventions (U.S. State Dept, 2009). To begin the "second generation" of anti-trafficking responses, there is a need for a systematic, integrated approach across the migration pathway (Kiss & Zimmerman, 2019) and human trafficking supply chain (Kammer-Kerwick et al, 2018) that "addresses structural conditions in addition to individual-level behaviors and risks" (Kiss & Zimmerman, 2019, p. 2). At the same time, attention should also be paid to the conditions surrounding the "demand chain" for cheap labor that drives exploiters to engage in illicit recruitment, or to carry out employment under working conditions that are below statutory standards (Cyrus & Vogel, 2015).…”
Section: "Second Generation" Of Anti-trafficking Responsesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Structural violence is closely linked to injustice and is often economically driven, as in the case of labor trafficking, through the increasing power of corporations and governance structures that favor businesses or employers over workers' rights (Kiss & Zimmerman, 2019). These forms of structural violence are in part the result of ideas and practices in the global economy embraced by governments and corporations, such as trends of deregulation, risk transfer and cost reduction measures, and the rise of a consumer society characterized by cheaply produced and readily available products (Abel & Kunz, 2018).…”
Section: Problem Identification/characterization Triad (Epidemiologicmentioning
Ending all forms of labor trafficking by 2030 has been prioritized within the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (Target 8.7), yet progress in combatting trafficking has been limited. Human trafficking is recognized as a global public health concern because of its widespread negative impacts on individual and population level health. This has led researchers, policymakers, and NGOs to frequently claim that trafficking has reached "epidemic proportions". If such is the case, then using tools from public health and epidemiology can help to generate novel insights in the way we conceptualize, research, and address the problem of trafficking. Using a methodological framework known as the Epidemiologic Problem Oriented Approach (EPOA), we analyze the various components of labor trafficking identification and response, drawing contextualized comparisons with infectious disease epidemiology to characterize labor trafficking as a "disease". This crossdisciplinary approach provides a well-defined conceptual organization of the components that play a role in understanding trafficking dynamics. Epidemiology is highly relevant in the study of trafficking and contributes to the growing research interest surrounding the intersection of public health and human trafficking. KEYWORDS Labor trafficking; public health; epidemiology There are no jobs in Sein's hometown in Myanmar, so he made the hard decision to look for work in Thailand. Sein has been working as a fisherman now for five years. Though the hours are long, and the conditions are harsh, he doesn't mind as he is able to provide for his family. Compared to his previous boss Ohnmar, Cho is a saint, and doesn't take it out on the fishers when the nets don't come up full. Ohnmar was brutal-on one trip the nets kept coming up empty and the crew had to stay out at sea a further 3 days than what they had planned. He didn't let them rest until the hold was full, and because the extended trip was unplanned, they ran out of drinking water. When they returned to port, Ohnmar refused to give extra time off in lieu of the extended time at sea, and only gave Sein a fraction of the salary that he had been promised. Ohnmar had said that this would teach the fishers for not working hard enough. If the fishers complained, Ohnmar would think of another punishment for disrespecting himoften keeping them onboard the boat while it was in port. Sein had often considered leaving, but needed the money that Ohnmar owed him. Ohnmar hadn't always been like this-they had grown up in the same village, and Ohnmar had been the one who initially told Sein about his work in Thailand. Three years after Sein joined him on the boat, Ohnmar had been promoted to the position of Chiu-the right-hand man of the captain. It seemed like Ohnmar wanted to prove he was right for the job and deserving of the increased authority (and pay) that the promotion included. Cho was different. He pushed Sein and the crew to work very long hours, but always recorded their days at sea accurately. They often ran trips ...
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