How should intergroup contact be structured to reduce bias among majority and minority group children?

Guerra, Rita; Rebelo, M. N.; Monteiro, Maria Benedicta; Riek, Blake M.; Mania, Eric W.; Gaertner, Samuel L.; Dovidio, John F.

doi:10.1177/1368430209355651

Cited by 68 publications

(86 citation statements)

References 47 publications

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“…For example, in contrast to the United States and United Kingdom, Portugal began to experience significant immigration only 40 years ago. Perhaps because of these immigrants' insecurity regarding their status, Guerra et al (2010) found a pattern opposite that typically controlled, F(1, 473) = 4.09, p = .044, η p = .01.…”

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confidence: 72%

Group Status Drives Majority and Minority Integration Preferences

et al. 2011

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This research examined preferences for national-and campus-level assimilative and pluralistic policies among Black and White students under different contexts, as majority-and minority-group members. We targeted attitudes at two universities, one where 85% of the student body is White, and another where 76% of students are Black.The results revealed that when a group constituted the majority, its members generally preferred assimilationist policies, and when a group constituted the minority, its members generally preferred pluralistic policies. The results support a functional perspective: Both majority and minority groups seek to protect and enhance their collective identities.

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confidence: 72%

Group Status Drives Majority and Minority Integration Preferences

et al. 2011

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“…Despite the impressive amount of studies that demonstrate the effectiveness of these two approaches, evidence supporting their basic predictions within educational settings is scarce (for exceptions, see e.g. Guerra et al, 2010;Vezzali, Capozza, Giovannini, et al, 2012). Second, our research contributes to the literature with regard to the underlying processes of the effects of imagined contact.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Support for the CIIM (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000) has also been obtained among young children (Guerra et al, 2010;Houlette et al, 2004). For instance, Guerra and collaborators (2010) conducted an experimental intervention with majority (European-Portuguese) and minority (African-Portuguese) elementary school children in Portugal.…”

Section: Intergroup Contact and Common Ingroup Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Imagined Intergroup Contact and Common Ingroup Identity

et al. 2015

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We conducted two studies involving two different age groups (elementary school children and adults) aimed at integrating imagined contact and common ingroup identity models. In the first study, Italian elementary school children were asked to imagine interacting with an unknown immigrant peer as members of a common group. Results revealed that common ingroup imagined contact, relative to a control condition, improved outgroup helping intentions assessed one week and two weeks after the intervention. In the second study, common ingroup imagined contact led Italian university students to display higher intentions to have contact with immigrants compared to control conditions. In conclusion, results from both studies demonstrate that imagining an intergroup interaction as members of the same group strengthens the effects of imagined contact. These findings point to the importance of combining the common ingroup identity model and the imagined contact theory in order to increase the potentiality of prejudice reduction interventions.Keywords: imagined intergroup contact, common ingroup identity, intergroup relations, prejudice reduction, behavioral intentions. IMAGINED CONTACT AND COMMON INGROUP IDENTITY 5Research over the past 60 years has convincingly demonstrated that positive contact between members of different groups is a powerful strategy to reduce prejudice (Hodson & Hewstone, 2013). There is also evidence that positive contact is especially effective when it is structured so that ingroup and outgroup members perceive themselves as belonging to a common superordinate group, instead of completely separate and distinct groups (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000). However, intervention strategies based on direct intergroup contact can be anxiety arousing and difficult to implement due to practical constraints. A highly flexible and easily implemented indirect contact strategy which can overcome these difficulties and which has been successful at reducing prejudice is imagined contact. According to Crisp and collaborators (for reviews, see Crisp, Husnu, Meleady, Stathi, & Turner, 2010;Crisp & Turner, 2009; for a meta-analysis, see Miles & Crisp, 2014), the mental simulation of positive intergroup contact is an effective way to improve relations between groups. In the two studies reported herein, we aim to explore the utility of integrating the common ingroup identity model (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000) with the imagined contact theory (Crisp & Turner, 2009) on reducing intergroup bias. Our expectation is that common ingroup imagined contact, which combines imagined contact with principles derived from the common ingroup identity model, will have stronger effects than both standard imagined contact and classic control conditions used in imagined contact research. A further aim is to shed light on the processes underlying the effects of common ingroup imagined contact. Hypotheses will be tested both among young children (Study 1) and adults (Study 2), in order to examine the generalizability of the effects and the utili...

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“…19 There is considerable evidence from nonmedical settings that this recategorization approach can improve how members of different groups view one another, 17,18 and increase feelings of trust and forgiveness between groups that have distrusted and disliked one another. [20][21][22] The present research investigated whether an intervention derived from the common ingroup model can improve race-based trust in racially discordant primary care medical interactions, and thus produce more positive medical consequences. Physicians and their patients were randomly assigned to either a common ingroup identity treatment condition or a control condition.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Social Psychological Approach to Improving the Outcomes of Racially Discordant Medical Interactions

et al. 2013

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BACKGROUND: Medical interactions between Black patients and non-Black physicians are less positive and productive than racially concordant ones and contribute to racial disparities in the quality of health care. OBJECTIVE: To determine whether an intervention based on the common ingroup identity model, previously used in nonmedical settings to reduce intergroup bias, would change physician and patient responses in racially discordant medical interactions and improve patient adherence. IINTERVENTION: Physicians and patients were randomly assigned to either a common identity treatment (to enhance their sense of commonality) or a control (standard health information) condition, and then engaged in a scheduled appointment. DESIGN: Intervention occurred just before the interaction. Patient demographic characteristics and relevant attitudes and/or behaviors were measured before and immediately after interactions, and 4 and 16 weeks later. Physicians provided information before and immediately after interactions. PARTICIPANTS: Fourteen non-Black physicians and 72 low income Black patients at a Family Medicine residency training clinic. MAIN MEASURES: Sense of being on the same team, patient-centeredness, and patient trust of physician, assessed immediately after the medical interactions, and patient trust and adherence, assessed 4 and 16 weeks later. KEY RESULTS: Four and 16 weeks after interactions, patient trust of their physician and physicians in general was significantly greater in the treatment condition than control condition. Sixteen weeks after interactions, adherence was also significantly greater. CONCLUSIONS: An intervention used to reduce intergroup bias successfully produced greater Black patient trust of non-Black physicians and adherence. These findings offer promising evidence for a relatively lowcost and simple intervention that may offer a means to improve medical outcomes of racially discordant medical interactions. However, the sample size of physicians and patients was small, and thus the effectiveness of the intervention should be further tested in different settings, with different populations of physicians and other health outcomes.KEY WORDS: common ingroup identity model; intergroup bias; racially discordant medical interactions.

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How should intergroup contact be structured to reduce bias among majority and minority group children?

Cited by 68 publications

References 47 publications

Group Status Drives Majority and Minority Integration Preferences

Group Status Drives Majority and Minority Integration Preferences

Imagined Intergroup Contact and Common Ingroup Identity

A Social Psychological Approach to Improving the Outcomes of Racially Discordant Medical Interactions

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