2020
DOI: 10.1017/lap.2020.32
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How Predatory Informal Rules Outlast State Reform: Evidence from Postauthoritarian Guatemala

Abstract: The coexistence of predatory informal rules alongside formal democratic institutions is a defining, if pernicious, feature of Latin America’s political landscape. How do such rules remain so resilient in the face of bureaucratic reforms? This article explicates the mechanisms underlying the persistence of such rules and challenges conventional explanations through process-tracing analysis in one arena: Guatemala’s customs administration. During Guatemala’s period of armed conflict and military rule, military i… Show more

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Cited by 8 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…This is in line with recent judgments on the role of limited capacities in generating sustainability outcomes in Latin America (UNEP, 2020). It also reflects the vast literature on traditional management challenges in the Latin American context, which highlights problems of corruption and a lack of transparency across policy fields (de Viteri Vázquez & Bjørnskov, 2020; López & Moreno, 2010; Rotberg, 2019; Schwartz, 2021). Moreover, the results of this demonstration case may suggest extending wicked problem scholars' focus on collaborative governance approaches (Duit & Galaz, 2008; Head, 2019) to rigorous analysis of policy capacity in addressing wicked environmental problems (McCrea, 2020; Wu et al, 2018).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 78%
“…This is in line with recent judgments on the role of limited capacities in generating sustainability outcomes in Latin America (UNEP, 2020). It also reflects the vast literature on traditional management challenges in the Latin American context, which highlights problems of corruption and a lack of transparency across policy fields (de Viteri Vázquez & Bjørnskov, 2020; López & Moreno, 2010; Rotberg, 2019; Schwartz, 2021). Moreover, the results of this demonstration case may suggest extending wicked problem scholars' focus on collaborative governance approaches (Duit & Galaz, 2008; Head, 2019) to rigorous analysis of policy capacity in addressing wicked environmental problems (McCrea, 2020; Wu et al, 2018).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 78%
“…Domestic and international observers quickly billed the charges as retaliation for Foppa's previous anti-corruption crusade in partnership with the CICIG, as well as his opposition to the politicization of the state's investigative and prosecutorial entities. In addition to pursuing tax evasion charges against Guatemala's wealthiest business elites as head of the tax administration from 2016 to 2018, Foppa-along with other detained investigator Aníbal Argüello-was part of the team that broke open the landmark customs fraud case known as La Línea in 2015, which implicated former president Pérez Molina and set off an unprecedented anti-corruption movement in Guatemala (Schwartz 2021b). Under the Giammattei government, Foppa has also been a vocal critic of Attorney General Consuelo Porras, documenting the institutional weakening of the MP during her tenure (Solórzano Foppa 2021).…”
Section: Criminalization Of Corruption Fighters and Government Opposi...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Among the immediate effects were the disbanding of the civil patrols, closing military garrisons, recognizing indigenous rights, and establishing a truth commission (Jonas, 2000). Despite their displacement from the formal state sphere, Schwartz (2021: 49) points out that “the military intelligence elites who oversaw the illicit customs scheme managed to exercise coercive power through political party channels, placing strategic allies in government posts.” Explaining their post-conflict electoral success, Bateson (2021: 4) points to the “strategic embrace of populism” to explain why ex-dictators have earned widespread support even from former victims. From 1982 to 1983, General Efraín Ríos Montt presided over a bloody period of the Guatemalan civil war.…”
Section: Case Selectionmentioning
confidence: 99%