“…Sweden, for example, has seemingly sought an image of 'greater altruism, less concern about own interests, greater use of multilateral channels of distribution, more concern for the poorest countries of the world and less concern about the return flow to Sweden's own economy' (Ekengren and Götz, 2013: 29). In what became politically contested moves, Sweden and Norway, from 1969 and 1972 onward, respectively, supported a number of armed liberation movements in Africa, such as PAIGC in Guinea-Bissau, MPLA in Angola, Frelimo in Mozambique, SWAPO in Namibia and ZANU and ZAPU in Zimbabwe (Ruud and Kjerland, 2003;Simensen, 2003;Ekengren, 2011;Ekengren and Götz, 2013).…”
This critical and empirically based volume examines the multiple existing Nordic models, providing analytically innovative attention to the multitude of circulating ideas, images and experiences referred to as "Nordic".It addresses related paradoxes as well as patterns of circulation, claims about the exceptionality of Nordic models, and the diffusion and impact of Nordic experiences and ideas. Providing original case studies, the book further examines how the Nordic models have been constructed, transformed and circulated in time and in space. It investigates the actors and channels that have been involved in circulating models: journalists and media, bureaucrats and policy-makers, international organizations, national politicians and institutions, scholars, public diplomats and analyses where and why models have travelled. Finally, the book shows that Nordic models, perspectives, or ideas do not always originate in the Nordic region, nor do they always develop as deliberate efforts to promote Nordic interests. This book will be of key interest to Nordic and Scandinavian studies, European studies, and more broadly to history, sociology, political science, marketing, social policy, organizational theory and public management.
“…Sweden, for example, has seemingly sought an image of 'greater altruism, less concern about own interests, greater use of multilateral channels of distribution, more concern for the poorest countries of the world and less concern about the return flow to Sweden's own economy' (Ekengren and Götz, 2013: 29). In what became politically contested moves, Sweden and Norway, from 1969 and 1972 onward, respectively, supported a number of armed liberation movements in Africa, such as PAIGC in Guinea-Bissau, MPLA in Angola, Frelimo in Mozambique, SWAPO in Namibia and ZANU and ZAPU in Zimbabwe (Ruud and Kjerland, 2003;Simensen, 2003;Ekengren, 2011;Ekengren and Götz, 2013).…”
This critical and empirically based volume examines the multiple existing Nordic models, providing analytically innovative attention to the multitude of circulating ideas, images and experiences referred to as "Nordic".It addresses related paradoxes as well as patterns of circulation, claims about the exceptionality of Nordic models, and the diffusion and impact of Nordic experiences and ideas. Providing original case studies, the book further examines how the Nordic models have been constructed, transformed and circulated in time and in space. It investigates the actors and channels that have been involved in circulating models: journalists and media, bureaucrats and policy-makers, international organizations, national politicians and institutions, scholars, public diplomats and analyses where and why models have travelled. Finally, the book shows that Nordic models, perspectives, or ideas do not always originate in the Nordic region, nor do they always develop as deliberate efforts to promote Nordic interests. This book will be of key interest to Nordic and Scandinavian studies, European studies, and more broadly to history, sociology, political science, marketing, social policy, organizational theory and public management.
“…Instead, Sweden formed a free trade agreement with the EEC, which came into effect in 1973. The agreement fell short of formal membership and therefore retained Sweden's neutral Cold War -era political status (Ekengren, 2011;Hancock, 1972;Karlsson, 2020).…”
During the first half of the 1970s, Swedish and Danish new women's movements campaigned against their respective countries joining the European Economic Community (EEC). In doing so, socialist feminist activists in Denmark and Sweden were confronted by questions regarding how to navigate international solidarity between women and where to draw its limits. This article explores these limits by examining Danish and Swedish feminist campaigns against EEC membership from a transnational perspective. I do this by firstly providing a comparative overview of the two Scandinavian countries' anti-EEC discourses, arguing that they were transnationally interlinked via border-crossing feminist protest culture. Secondly, I explore the political and ideological underpinnings guiding these feminist anti-EEC campaigns, contending that the nationalist and protectionist socialist discourses that emerged from Swedish and Danish new women's movements' anti-EEC campaigns were in part discordant with contemporaneous transnational feminist calls for a "global sisterhood". This article is based on extensive archival research in Sweden and Denmark, with a focus on examining the anti-EEC print culture produced by socialist feminists in the early 1970s.
“…17. Ideological change is expected to lead to policy change, in terms of both content and form (see Demker, 1998;Ekengren, 2010;Goldstein and Keohane, 1993b), but such policy change falls outside the scope of this article.…”
This study analyses to what extent a change of government in times of unchanged international structure affects the ideology of foreign policy. The main contribution is to investigate the role of political culture, as reflected through institutional design, as an intervening variable. Effects of changes of government in the United Kingdom in 1997 and 2010 and in Sweden in 1994 and 2006 is studied by analysing speeches in the General Debates of the UN General Assembly. The analysis is based on four ideal types. The results indicate that institutional design is an influencing intervening variable of foreign policy ideology. In the UK, a country dominated by majoritarian institutional design, foreign policy ideology changes more extensively in times of government change than in Sweden, a country dominated by consensual institutional design.
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