How do Economic Circumstances Determine Preferences? Evidence from Long-run Panel Data

O’Grady, Tom

doi:10.1017/s0007123417000242

Cited by 53 publications

(52 citation statements)

References 62 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…In sum, the findings presented here provide strong support for our expectations that women from pink‐collar backgrounds advance different legislative preferences and priorities than (1) white‐collar women, (2) blue‐collar men, and even (3) pink‐collar men. We provide support for the theories that class (Carnes 2013, 2012; Micozzi 2018; O'Grady 2017) and gender (Kreitzer 2015; Osborn 2012) are central to the policymaking process. By integrating these bodies of scholarship, we demonstrate that working‐class women are uniquely situated to advocate for education and social services policies.…”

Section: Other Factors Explaining Spendingsupporting

confidence: 53%

“…Members of the working class are descriptively underrepresented in political office (Carnes 2018). When present, representatives with working-class backgrounds shape policy outcomes, including supporting workers and labor policy (Carnes 2013;Carnes and Lupu 2015;O'grady 2017). at the same time, the representation of women in political office has been shown to shape policy outcomes in profound ways, such as budget allocation and spending on women's issues (Clayton and Zetterberg 2018;Funk and Philips 2019;Holman 2014Holman , 2015.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Pink‐Collar Representation and Budgetary Outcomes in US States

Barnes

Beall

Holman

2020

Legislative Studies Qtrly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Legislatures worldwide are dominated by wealthy elites, who are often out of touch with the needs and problems of citizens. Research shows that the underrepresentation of the working class matters in terms of policy processes and outcomes. Yet the research on class has largely focused on blue‐collar representatives, who are primarily men. Working‐class women are more likely to hold pink‐collar jobs, or low‐status occupations dominated by women. We argue that pink‐collar legislators are uniquely positioned to legislate over education and social service policy. To test our argument, we combine a new coding of working‐class backgrounds that accounts for pink‐collar representation with state spending data on education and social services from US states over time. Modeling compositional budget data, we find that class and gender intersect to shape policy outcomes via state budget allocations, with women's pink‐collar representation associated with increased spending on both education and social services.

show abstract

Section: Other Factors Explaining Spendingsupporting

confidence: 53%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Pink‐Collar Representation and Budgetary Outcomes in US States

Barnes

Beall

Holman

2020

Legislative Studies Qtrly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The formative years between childhood and adulthood are considered especially important in these respects (Neundorf & Smets, 2017, p. 4). A recent British Household Panel Study (BHPS) analysis has found intergenerational transmission of both parents’ ideologies, as well as persistent effects of growing up in poverty (O’Grady, 2019). As current class is associated with class origins, class differences in socialization and early experiences have a potentially confounding impact on contemporary attitude differences between classes.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

More than self‐interest: Why different classes have different attitudes to income inequality

Langsæther¹,

Evans

2020

British Journal of Sociology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The connection between social class and political preferences is among the most well established in the social sciences. This association is typically taken as prima facie evidence of economic self‐interest: Classes hold different attitudes, values, and party preferences because they have different economic interests. However, this assumption has rarely been tested empirically. In this article, we use survey data from 18 West European countries to examine why classes differ on a central aspect of political preferences, namely their views on the desirability of income inequality. We find that only a moderate proportion of differences between employee classes in support for redistribution can be accounted for by contemporary differences in resources and risks; differences in economic interests to some degree account for the anti‐redistributive preferences of the professional middle classes compared with the working class. However, the preferences of the self‐employed have a different explanation; autonomy is a better explanation of the right‐wing preferences of the self‐employed compared with the working class.

show abstract

“…The straightforward self-interest expectation is that people will support LMPs more strongly after their employment situation deteriorates. Similarly, their support for LMPs will decrease after their employment situation improves (Margalit 2013;O'Grady 2019). In contrast, the 'values perspective' emphasizes predispositional, and thus attitudinal, stability.…”

Section: Values Versus Self-interest and Beyondmentioning

confidence: 98%

Going beyond values versus self-interest: whose attitudes change after employment transitions?

Wehl

2020

Political Research Exchange

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Are self-interest or presumably stable value orientations and other predispositions the main drivers behind social policy attitudes? This article contributes to this debate by moving away from its binary discussion. It differentiates between attitude changes driven by self-interest that are in line with pre-existing predispositions and those that are not. Empirically, this article focuses on changes of labour market policy attitudes after employment transitions and job insecurity changes. More precisely, this article differentiates between attitude changes within three subgroups. (A) People whose self-interest after the employment transitions reinforces their prior predispositions. (B) People without strong prior predispositions, who are thus unconstrained by them. And (C) people whose self-interest after the employment transitions contradicts their prior predispositions. Panel analyses with fixed effects use German SOEP waves from 1997 and 2002. Main effects suggest an important role for selfinterest as they show significant attitudinal reactions after most of the transitions and perception changes. However, subgroup analyses result in a somewhat mixed picture. They show attitude changes within different subgroups after different transitions and perception changes. This mixed empirical picture suggests caution when interpreting attitudinal change or stability after changing material circumstances as a sign for the relative importance of self-interest or predispositions.

show abstract

How do Economic Circumstances Determine Preferences? Evidence from Long-run Panel Data

Cited by 53 publications

References 62 publications

Pink‐Collar Representation and Budgetary Outcomes in US States

Pink‐Collar Representation and Budgetary Outcomes in US States

More than self‐interest: Why different classes have different attitudes to income inequality

Going beyond values versus self-interest: whose attitudes change after employment transitions?

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About