Head-ing toward PF

Boeckx, Cédric; Stjepanović, Sandra

doi:10.1162/00243890152001799

Cited by 217 publications

(54 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…This becomes an issue when some constituent (e.g., an adverb or negation) intervenes between Arg 0 and v 0 . 22 For those cases, the literature provides two means of ensuring adjacency: (a) by moving the verb in the syntactic component, as has been traditionally proposed (see also Lechner 2004, Matushansky 2006, Roberts 2010 for recent proposals along these lines), or (b) by moving the verb postsyntactically (see, e.g., Chomsky 2000, Boeckx and Stjepanović 2001, Zwart 2001, Platzack 2012). Since our proposal does not hinge on the correctness of either approach and is fully compatible with both, we are not forced to make a principled choice.…”

Section: Deriving the Strong Rahmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Rich Agreement Hypothesis Rehabilitated

Koeneman

Zeijlstra

2014

Linguistic Inquiry

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The generalization that V-to-I movement is conditioned by rich subject agreement on the finite verb (the Rich Agreement Hypothesis) has long been taken to indicate a tight connection between syntax and morphology. Recently, the hypothesis has been questioned on both empirical and theoretical grounds. Here, we demonstrate that the empirical arguments against this hypothesis are incorrect and that it therefore must be rehabilitated in its strongest form. Theoretically, we argue that the correlation between syntax and morphology is not direct (morphology does not drive syntax) but follows from principles of language acquisition: only if language learners are confronted with particular morphological contrasts do they postulate the presence of corresponding formal features that in turn drive syntactic operations.

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Section: Deriving the Strong Rahmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Rich Agreement Hypothesis Rehabilitated

Koeneman

Zeijlstra

2014

Linguistic Inquiry

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“…In this they resemble head movement under most analyses in the government and binding framework and minimalism; head movement, too, is pure word order movement lacking interpretive effects (see Hall 2015: chapter 3 for recent discussion). The lack of interpretive effects of head movement has led to a number of theories that place head movement in the phonology (Boeckx and Stjepanović 2001) or construe it not as an effect of structural change but directly of linearization (extending ideas in Brody 1997, this line is taken in Abels 2000Abels , 2003Bye and Svenonius 2012;Adger 2013;Hall 2015). Those systems, however, are too weak to generate the full set of orders required under Cinque's and Abels and Neeleman's theories.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The fundamental left–right asymmetry in the Germanic verb cluster

Abels

2016

J Comp German Linguistics

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Cinque (Linguist Inq 36(3): [315][316][317][318][319][320][321][322][323][324][325][326][327][328][329][330][331][332] 2005; Universals of language today. Springer, Dordrecht, pp 165-184, 2009; Functional structure from top to toe. Vol. 9 of The cartography of syntactic structures. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 232-265, 2014a) observes that there is an asymmetry in the possible ordering of dependents of a lexical head before versus after the head. A reflection on some of the concepts needed to develop Cinque's ideas into a theory of neutral word order reveals that dependents need to be treated separately by class. The resulting system is applied to the problem of word order in the Germanic verb cluster. It is shown that there is an extremely close match between theoretically derived expectations for clusters made up of auxiliaries, modals, causative 'let', a main verb, and verbal particles. The facts point to the action of Cinque's fundamental left-right asymmetry in language in the realm of the verb cluster. At the same time, not all verb clusters fall under Cinque's generalization, which, therefore, argues against treating all cases of restructuring uniformly.

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“…Boeckx & Stjepanović (2001) argue that pseudogapping constructions support the idea that heads move at PF. Lasnik (1999) observes that in English non-elliptical sentences the verb has to raise, but in pseudogapping constructions the verb may either raise or stay put and be part of the elided constituent.…”

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confidence: 90%

“…It is interesting to note that both Boeckx & Stjepanović (2001) and Schoorlemmer & Temmerman (2012) use VP-ellipsis and verb movement to argue that (at least in certain cases) heads move at PF, however, in order for the Boeckx & Stjepanović (2001) analysis to work, ellipsis has to be able to precede HM at PF (or ellipsis and HM apply at the same time, and one has to choose between them), while for the Schoorlemmer & Temmerman (2012) analysis, HM must be able to precede ellipsis at PF.…”

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confidence: 99%

Approaches to head movement: A critical assessment

Dékány

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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Heads can be spelled out higher than their merge-in position. The operation that the transformationalist generative literature uses to model this is called head movement. Government and Binding posited that the operation in question involves adjunction of a lower head to a higher head in narrow syntax. It has been noted early on, however, that this approach is highly problematic because head-adjunction violates several well-motivated constraints on syntactic structures.This overview article surveys the problems raised by the adjunction approach as well as the recent alternative analyses that were suggested in its stead in the Minimalist program. It evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the alternatives, discusses to what extent they are able to eliminate the problems raised by the adjunction analysis, and also points out the new problems that they give rise to.

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Head-ing toward PF

Cited by 217 publications

References 11 publications

The Rich Agreement Hypothesis Rehabilitated

The Rich Agreement Hypothesis Rehabilitated

The fundamental left–right asymmetry in the Germanic verb cluster

Approaches to head movement: A critical assessment

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