Governing India's Metropolises

Ruet, Joël; Lama-Rewal, Stéphanie Tawa

doi:10.4324/9780203151860

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…This includes scholarship on urban poverty and informality (Benjamin 2000;Jha, Rao, and Woolcock 2007;Mitra 2010;Gill 2012;Krishna 2013), urban citizenship (Harriss 2005), municipal governance and decentralization (Baud and de Wit 2008;Ruet and Lama-Rewal 2009), the provision of infrastructure and public services (Sridhar and Mathur 2009;Sridhar and Reddy 2010;Bjorkman 2014), and violence in India's cities (Varshney 2003;Chatterji and Mehta 2007). The growth of scholarship on urban India has coincided with a burgeoning policy focus on governance and development in cities.…”

Section: Electoral Politics In Urban India: a Research Agendamentioning

confidence: 98%

India's urban constituencies revisited

Auerbach

2015

Contemporary South Asia

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This article examines patterns of voter turnout and electoral competition in India's urban parliamentary constituencies. It places the 2014 Lok Sabha elections in historical context, drawing on constituency-level data from national elections since 1977 to explore broad changes and continuities in electoral competition, party structures, and voter turnout, with particular focus on comparisons between urban and rural India. The purpose of the article is descriptive, seeking to fill a gap in the literature on electoral competition in urban India. I find evidence that India's urban constituencies have recently, on average, been less competitive and participatory than non-urban constituencies, though this has not been a consistent trend since the mid-1970s. This article concludes with a brief outline for a research agenda on electoral politics in urban India.

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Section: Electoral Politics In Urban India: a Research Agendamentioning

confidence: 98%

India's urban constituencies revisited

Auerbach

2015

Contemporary South Asia

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“…Public goods provision was also outsourced to the private sector, and increased community involvement was promoted through public-community partnerships. The effects of these processes on the power of local governments and their relations with the private sector and the advocacy groups seeking to influence local power constellations in cities have been extensively debated (Baud and De Wit, 2008;Ruet and Tawa Lama-Rewal, 2009). Here the focus is primarily on the contrasting ways in which middle-class groups and the poor have mobilized in terms of the issues raised, the channels through which they seek to gain power and influence, and the implications these have for the political cohesion within the middle classes and for the urban poor in terms of their empowerment.…”

Section: Urban Middle-class Mobilization and Implications For The Poormentioning

confidence: 99%

The Emerging Middle Classes in India: Mobilizing for Inclusive Development?

Baud

2015

Eur J Dev Res

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South Africa (BRICS) has (re)opened the debate on their positioning in the broader political and social development processes within each of these countries, and the emergence of global Southern perspectives on alternative development paradigms (Wiemann, 2015, this volume;Koonings, 2012). That middle-class groups are concerned about national development trajectories has been clearly illustrated in recent street protests in 2013-2014 around the quality of public services and the choices national government made on spending public funds on the World Cup in Brazil, and on public sector corruption by the Anna Hazare movement in New Delhi, India. Interestingly, such mobilization is increasingly becoming urban, with metropolitan cities being important sites of social and political contestation (Biekart, 2015, this volume).Examining processes at strategic local sites, rather than national levels, can provide early insights into emerging patterns of mobilization among people from the middle classes. Particularly crucial is the question of whether new forms of mobilization are focused on privileging the benefits of neo-liberal economic growth and globalization for the middle classes themselves, or whether they also include issues of concern to the poor and marginalized.Therefore, based on the assumption that people from the middle classes in BRICS are potentially strong new actors in domestic and international discussions on the development and governance trajectories of their own countries, this essay will examine some ways middle-class groups are currently mobilizing in large cities, analysing their 'sites' for mobilization and forms of claim-making vis-à-vis the state, in terms of the development trajectories reflected in such claimmaking, the privileging of middle-class views and the implications for the poor. The example of the Indian middle classes in large cities is taken as a BRICS case in point. Mobilization patterns in two metropolitan cities -Mumbai and Chennai -are discussed, reviewing mobilization from my own and others' research experience in these cities. These cities have experienced first-hand the effects of economic globalization, and local and provincial state-led intervention programmes to modernize the city infrastructure and 'landscape', and have seen their middle classes expand in numbers and political claim-making.My main conclusion is that the 'new' urban middle classes in Mumbai and Chennai mobilize mainly around issues concerning their own quality of life, valuing 'world-classing' of cities, improving quality of local government and active exclusion of the poor, whose existence they attempt to delegitimize by public interest litigation.

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“…Notre enquête a eu lieu à Bombay et Hyderabad entre 2005 et 2007 (avec une actualisation rapide pour Bombay en 2013). Elle s'est faite dans le cadre du programme ACI Acteurs, Politiques et Gouvernance Urbaine qui cherchait à rendre compte des changements en Inde dans la gestion et l'accès aux services publics qui pourraient traduire une nouvelle gouvernance urbaine portée par la décen-tralisation et la libéralisation (Ruet, Tawa Lama-Rewal, 2009). À Hyderabad, 60 ménages ont fait l'objet d'enquêtes dans le quartier de Sultan Shahi, un bidonville consolidé de la vieille ville, ainsi que 53 ménages dans deux villages périurbains.…”

Section: Un Système De Distribution « Publique » Alimentaire Qui N'esunclassified

Gouvernance verticale, corruption et clientélisme

Landy¹

2014

ress

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revue européenne des sciences sociales n o 52-2-p. 105-131 Résumé. Les relations entre démocratie et « petite corruption » restent assez peu étudiées. Comment expliquer que l'Inde, « la plus grande démocratie du monde », connaisse un bon fonctionnement de ses institutions constitutionnelles tout en ayant un si fort niveau de corruption ? Notre étude de la distribution alimentaire subventionnée montre que la corruption trouve un terreau propice dans les bases mêmes de la démocratie urbaine. D'abord sont décrites les malversations auxquelles prête l'aide distribuée par l'État dans les quartiers pauvres de Bombay (Mumbai) et de Hyderabad. À travers l'analyse de la « chaîne de corruption » nous mettons ensuite en évidence la verticalité du capital social dominant et de la gouvernance urbaine. Comment parler de « société civile » dans un tel contexte ? Nous terminons en réexaminant à la lumière de l'Inde les grandes « logiques » expliquant la corruption africaine jadis explicitées par Olivier de Sardan (1999), ain de déterminer quelles sont celles qui se prêtent à une généralisation pour tous les pays du Sud voire au delà.

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Governing India's Metropolises

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

India's urban constituencies revisited

India's urban constituencies revisited

The Emerging Middle Classes in India: Mobilizing for Inclusive Development?

Gouvernance verticale, corruption et clientélisme

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