Gothic &amp;lt;r&amp;gt; and Old High German &amp;lt;r&amp;gt;: Implications from phonological patterning

Kostakis, Andrew

doi:10.5334/gjgl.792

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 30 publications

(23 reference statements)

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“…On the phonetic features of /r/, both Braune/Heidermanns (2018: 114, fn. 4) and Kostakis (2019) adduce supporting evidence from Gothic, but the former postulates an alveolar realization, while the latter argues convincingly for a velar realization.…”

Section: Lengthening In the Open Syllable Of Disyllablesmentioning

confidence: 77%

A note on Middle High German lengthening and related developments in diachronic perspective

Cercignani¹

2023

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The aim of this paper is to present a detailed analysis of the relevant material concerning lengthening of the Middle High German short accented vowels with a view to establishing the actual conditions under which this change operated. Special attention is given to the relevant, controversial developments in an open syllable, where lengthening is shown to have been regular not only before voiced consonants but also before the only available voiceless consonant, namely /t/. Apparent exceptions with a short vowel are shown to reflect phonological variants inherited from earlier stages of the language. The whole phenomenon of lengthening is discussed in a diachronic perspective which involves other changes, such as diphthongization, monophthongization, and shortening. Moreover, the conditioned mergers of the relevant short vowels with their long counterparts are presented in the wider context of the subsequent development of the Middle High German vowels, with special regard to the changes that affected /e/, /ɛ/, /æ/ and /e:/, /æ:/.

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Section: Lengthening In the Open Syllable Of Disyllablesmentioning

confidence: 77%

A note on Middle High German lengthening and related developments in diachronic perspective

Cercignani¹

2023

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“…However, if blocking effects in metaphonic processes are taken to be the result of a well-motivated cross-linguistic principle like the no-crossing constraint (in the sense of Goldsmith 1976), the implication of the analysis presented for OHG is that such consonants must be marked with height features. See additional discussion in Kostakis (2019) and Kostakis & Noelliste (2022). 30 In each form in (26), the initial stressed syllable contains an <e>.…”

Section: Metaphony In Ohgmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This change is left open here since the new vowels have no direct etymological connection to the mid vowels in the other branches and thus may differ structurally. An analysis of the change additionally requires representations for <r>, <h>, and <ƕ>, which goes beyond the scope of this article (see discussion in Vennemann 1972, Howell 1988, and Kostakis 2019 for additional details and analysis).…”

Section: Egmcmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Phonology of Mid Vowels in Germanic Languages

Kostakis

2024

J Ger Ling

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In phonological theory there are multiple ways to represent mid vowels. SPE conventions maintain that they are non-[high] and non-[low]. Conversely, frameworks like Element Theory argue that mid vowels are simultaneously [high] and [low]. This article examines eight processes (and groups of processes) within the Germanic language family, which strongly indicate their specification as simultaneously [high] and [low]. That specification is manifest from developments that tease out the [high] and [low] features of a single mid vowel into separate [high] and [low] elements of sound (e.g., [e] > [ja]). It also falls out from changes in which separate [high] and [low] segments coalesce into a single mid vowel (e.g., [au] > [o]).

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The status of /w/ in Old High German

Kostakis

Noelliste

2022

Folia Linguistica

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Old High German (OHG) differs from many other languages in that [w] does not stand in complementary distribution with [u], but rather it exhibits alternations with [o]. For example, the [o] in adjectives like gël[o] ‘yellow.nom.sg’ alternates with [w] in corresponding inflected forms (e.g. gël[w]es ‘yellow.gen.sg’). Based on extant data, we make three claims about OHG [w]. First, we use several analytical lenses – from phonotactics and etymology to sound patterning and feature composition – to argue that /w/ was an underlying consonant. This is surprising from the point of view of phonology since glides like [w] are usually assumed to be allophones of vowels. Second, we propose that OHG /w/ had the same height features as mid vowels. This accounts for the fact that /w/ neutralizes to [o] (and not [u]) in word-final position and also derives independent support from other OHG processes (namely primary umlaut). Finally, we show how the OHG data intersect with literature on the typology of glides and fail to fit naturally within that typology. Our findings place OHG glides into a seemingly unique category, the analysis of which not only broadens our understanding of OHG phonology, but also typological possibilities involved with derived and underlying glides.

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Gothic <r> and Old High German <r>: Implications from phonological patterning

Cited by 3 publications

References 30 publications

A note on Middle High German lengthening and related developments in diachronic perspective

A note on Middle High German lengthening and related developments in diachronic perspective

The Phonology of Mid Vowels in Germanic Languages

The status of /w/ in Old High German

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