Abstract:This article analyses centre-right parties' attitudes and positions on immigration and integration in Denmark and Sweden. Despite being socioeconomically and culturally similar, there are also some significant political and structural differences which help to explain why immigration has played a much more prominent role in Danish politics compared to Swedish politics. The article argues that this can be explained with reference to, on the one hand, the stability of bloc party politics and, on the other, the e… Show more
“…While some studies have argued that mainstream parties' strategic behaviour mainly shapes politicisation (Green-Pedersen 2012;Green-Pedersen and Krogstrup 2008;Green-Pedersen and Odmalm 2008;Meguid 2005), this finding lends credence to a more balanced view regarding the hypothesised impact of mainstream vis-à-vis niche parties. Niche parties should not be considered 'hapless victims [of the external political supply side]' but rather 'active shapers of their own fates' (Mudde 2007: 256).…”
“…While some studies have argued that mainstream parties' strategic behaviour mainly shapes politicisation (Green-Pedersen 2012;Green-Pedersen and Krogstrup 2008;Green-Pedersen and Odmalm 2008;Meguid 2005), this finding lends credence to a more balanced view regarding the hypothesised impact of mainstream vis-à-vis niche parties. Niche parties should not be considered 'hapless victims [of the external political supply side]' but rather 'active shapers of their own fates' (Mudde 2007: 256).…”
“…While the migration policy literature can be characterized as rich and eclectic, many studies emphasize one of the following aspects: political institutions (Togman 2001), national economic conditions (Meyers 2004), cultural context (Minkenberg 2008), vote-maximizing behaviour on the part of political parties (Money 1999) and the behaviour of right-wing and populist parties (Bale 2008;Green-Pedersen and Krogstrup 2008;Green-Pedersen and Odmalm 2008;Kitschelt 1997;Rydgren 2005;Rydgren and Widfeldt 2004;Smith 2008). This literature makes a significant contribution to the understanding of migration policy.…”
It is puzzling that social democratic parties are rarely the main focus of attention in the migration policy making literature, despite their crucial role in most European party systems and their frequent tenure in government. In this article, we seek to address this shortcoming by examining key immigration policies advocated by the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) over the past 40 years. This article shows that the SAP believes there are distinct limits to the ability of ‘the people’s home’ to make room for immigrants. Given social democracy’s clear adherence to notions of solidarity, inclusiveness and internationalism, the empirical findings of this article are counter-intuitive. Specifically, the Swedish Social Democrats have, since the late 1960s, continuously backed, and indeed initiated, strict immigration policies. Party ideology has been the missing factor in understanding these concrete immigration policies
“…Moreover, Sweden has often been characterised as having a generous migration policy (Abiri ) and might therefore also be considered to be a least‐likely case for anti‐immigration party influence. While Sweden for a long period of time has been one of the EU countries receiving the most refugees (UNHCR ), migration policy has rarely been given much space and has been characterised by consensus (Green‐Pedersen & Odmalm ). That the issue to such little extent has been politicised despite there being a significant number of voters who hold anti‐immigration opinions (Sandberg & Demker ) has been highlighted as an important reason to why Sweden, unlike many other West European countries, for a long time had no anti‐immigration party in the national parliament (Odmalm ; Dahlström & Esaiasson ).…”
Section: Swedish Municipalities As Objects Of Studymentioning
With the increased electoral success of anti‐immigration parties, questions regarding what impact the parties actually have naturally follow. Previous research has rarely explored this question. Furthermore, within this body of research, one is given different answers. While some argue that anti‐immigration parties have made an impact on public policy, others find no such evidence. This article shows that some of this inconsistency is a consequence of the methodological strategies that have been employed. Previous studies are either single case studies or comparisons of a small number of countries. Consequently, different parties in different institutional settings are compared, making it difficult to estimate the actual impact of the party of interest. In order to circumvent such methodological problems, this article explores the question of anti‐immigration party impact on a local level and asks if the Sweden Democrats (SD) have managed to influence decisions on refugee reception in Swedish municipalities. The analysis shows mixed results. First, while unable to find an independent effect of the size of the representation of the SD, it appears that the party's impact is conditioned by them holding the balance of power. Second, the SD's impact is not dependent upon whether there is right‐wing or left‐wing rule, although local migration policy is stricter when the main right‐wing party has strong support.
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