Globalizing West African oil: US ‘energy security’ and the global economy

Abstract

This article examines the nature of US oil intervention in West Africa and in particular the ways in which US strategic policy is increasingly being wedded to energy security. It argues that academic debates of a ‘new oil imperialism’ overplays the geostrategic dimensions of US policy, which in turn underplays the forms of globalization promoted by Washington in the postwar world. Specifically, the US has long sought to ‘transnationalize’ economies in the developing world, rather than pursue a more mercantilist form of economic nationalism. This article argues that US oil intervention in Africa conforms to this broader picture, whereby processes of transnationalization and interstate competition are being played out against the backdrop of African oil. The recent turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa will add to these dynamics in interesting and unpredictable ways.

Russian Intervention in Syria: Exploring the Nexus between Regime Consolidation and Energy Transnationalisation

“…The sponsorship of (future) infrastructure projects, together with the continued presence of Russian (irregular) forces on the ground, constitutes a combination of economic and military policies to pacify potential competitors by contributing to political and territorial consolidation and thus to an environment conducive to new investment opportunities. Here, Russian policies serve to further the perception of a ‘hegemonic stabiliser’ (Raphael and Stokes, 2011: 915). In addition, Russia’s Syria campaign has been analysed here as part of a long-term process to transnationalise Russian energy interests, where its forcible contribution to political consolidation can give Russia a structural advantage over the definition of regional energy interconnections at the same time – regardless of the political instability (Iraq and Syria) or financial uncertainties (Iran in a troubled sanctions environment) of some of its partner countries.…”

“…And even though difficult to authenticate, media reports have circulated a contract according to which a Moscow-registered front company for mercenary operations in Syria ‘would receive 25 percent of the proceeds from oil and gas production at fields its contractors capture and secure from Islamic State militants’ (Vasilyeva, 2017; see also Marten, 2019: 191). Raphael and Stokes (2011: 915) have found a similar logic at play when analysing US policies towards West African oil, where the sponsorship of infrastructure projects and the establishment of ‘forward operating locations’ (FOLs) constitutes a combination of economic and military policies to pacify potential competitors by acting as a ‘hegemonic stabiliser’. In the Syrian case, Russian companies would thus be in an advantageous position regarding the reconstruction of Syrian energy facilities.…”

Maritime security in West Africa

“…8 Moreover, the continuing expansion and integration of oil supplies in the Gulf of Guinea into global oil markets will also provide continued targets and opportunities for groups seeking to attack and rob such ships, unless the numbers of incidents decrease. 9 These have given rise to two major developments. The fi rst development is that ships connected with the oil industry, such as tankers and supply vessels, are seen as the primary target for many attacks.…”

International political economy and the environment: back to the basics?

“…37 According to Sam Raphael and Doug Stokes, in 20 years' time China will be importing an additional 8.6 billion barrels of oil per year from foreign sources. 38 In this context, China has stepped up its search for new sources of oil abroad, for example in locations in Latin America and Africa. The country's consumption of minerals is also rising rapidly, generating a similar intensified search for sources abroad.…”