Gewalt gegen Frauen mit türkischem Migrationshintergrund in Deutschland

Schröttle, Monika

doi:10.1007/978-3-531-92385-7_18

Cited by 6 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…In their analysis of European right-wing populism, Mayer et al (2016: 94) write: ‘The most important discursive construction is the (young) foreign criminal and violent perpetrator’, who attacks the local girl (Mayer et al, 2016). On the one hand an ‘ubiquitous threat’ ‘to white women’ posed by ‘male Muslim refugees’ is thus constructed, completely ignoring the fact that the greatest danger of becoming a victim of sexualised violence is in the immediate social environment and that most perpetrators are known to their victims – as repeatedly confirmed by national and international studies (Schröttle and Müller, 2004; Schröttle et al, 2017). Sexual assaults are addressed and racialised in a biased fashion, and sexism in society as a whole is negated.…”

Section: On the Function Of The Racialisation Of Sexismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Racist mobilisation and sexualisation in the ‘refugee debate’ in Germany

Köttig

Sigl

2019

Journal of Sociology

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In our article, we focus on the racist mobilisations that are reflected in the so-called refugee debate in Germany. Special emphasis is placed on the discussion around real and supposed sexualised violence from (young) male refugees towards girls and women. Based on selected examples (Night of New Year’s Eve in Cologne 2015/16, Women’s March and protests after migrant murders of women), we analyse the racialisation of sexism that is being undertaken by the far right, but is being increasingly supported in large parts of society. To explain this phenomenon, we adopt a historical perspective considering Germany’s colonial past and the period of National Socialism.

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Section: On the Function Of The Racialisation Of Sexismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Racist mobilisation and sexualisation in the ‘refugee debate’ in Germany

Köttig

Sigl

2019

Journal of Sociology

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“…This framing was adopted by both conservative and liberal parties, albeit in different ways. Conservative parties (CDU/CSU) that had little or no previous interest in promoting gender equality employed this frame opportunistically and suggested that an Islamic identity is incompatible with democratic values (Schröttle, 2010). They used the argument of gender equality to reassert national identity and place more restrictive demands on religious and cultural minorities (Parliamentary Transcripts 16/08, 15.12.2005).…”

Section: Parliamentary Debates On “Honor Killings”mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Most important, this framing silenced the broader debate on domestic violence in Germany. As Monika Schröttle (2010, p. 284) puts it, the substantial problems of physical, psychological, and sexual violence against women within the majority of German society was “regarded as a minor matter, while the issue overall is presented as a migrant problem only.”…”

Section: Parliamentary Debates On “Honor Killings”mentioning

confidence: 99%

Creating and Sustaining Evidence for “Failed Multiculturalism”

Ercan

2015

American Behavioral Scientist

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In recent years, so-called "honor killings" came onto the political agenda of many migrant-receiving societies including Germany. There were heated debates over the meanings of these murders in courts, parliaments, media, and the broader public sphere. These debates centered mainly on the question of whether "honor killing" is a culturally specific type of violence that occurs only in certain cultural communities, or a form of violence against women that cuts across all cultures. In Germany, "honor killing" acquired a particular and relatively well-entrenched meaning when it first came to fore in 2005 after the murder of Hatun Sürücü; it has since been understood as a culturally specific form of violence illustrating the irreconcilable differences between minority and majority cultures. As such, it has been associated with the "failed multiculturalism" diagnosis, indicating the inability of traditional migrant communities to integrate into mainstream society. This article seeks to problematize the discursive link between "honor killing" and failed multiculturalism and to explore the factors that help establish and sustain this link in Germany. The article identifies the dominant and competing frames of "honor killing" as articulated in the course of parliamentary debates and the broader public sphere and seeks to understand the reasons for the dominance of culture-based frames. It explains the presumed linkage between "honor killing" and failed multiculturalism by drawing attention to the institutional and discursive context within which these murders were debated. This analysis reveals the significance of the broader context in shaping the way multiculturalism is understood and practiced in culturally plural societies.

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“…The discussion about safety and security, public order and incivilities in villages and cities intensified in the 1990s and early 2000s in Germany. Particular emphasis was placed upon problems of (juvenile) violence in public spaces (see Kilb, 2009), drugs and drug-related crime (see BzgA, 2008), neglect of young people associated with deviancy (Dollinger and Schmidt-Semisch, 2011) and the phenomenon of domestic violence (Schröttle and Müller, 2004). Also a debate on criminal hotspots and places arousing fear in German cities was triggered by the riots in the French banlieus in 2005 and in London and other English cities in August 2011.…”

Section: Urban Safety and Security Problemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Managing urban safety and security in Germany: Institutional responsibility and individual competence

Frevel

2013

European Journal of Criminology

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After a short description of the broad field of urban security problems in Germany and a concentration on aspects of crime and disorder, the main institutions responsible for taking action on these problems-the police, local authorities and social services-are discussed. The institutional responsibilities are differentiated in terms of their statutory duties, and the individual competences for undertaking managerial responsibilities in this field are analysed against the background of the higher education system for training in public services in Germany. The need for collaboration in Crime Prevention Councils and Public Order Partnerships will be sketched out. The skills that already exist and those that are additionally needed for managing urban security are discussed along with the appropriate role of higher education in equipping managers with these skills.

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Gewalt gegen Frauen mit türkischem Migrationshintergrund in Deutschland

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Racist mobilisation and sexualisation in the ‘refugee debate’ in Germany

Racist mobilisation and sexualisation in the ‘refugee debate’ in Germany

Creating and Sustaining Evidence for “Failed Multiculturalism”

Managing urban safety and security in Germany: Institutional responsibility and individual competence

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