Getting the opposition together: protest coordination in authoritarian regimes

Armstrong, David; Reuter, Ora John; Robertson, Graeme B.

doi:10.1080/1060586x.2019.1665941

Cited by 22 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…Other research has pointed out that electoral successes and defeats of opposition coalitions depend strongly on the willingness of voters to support the coalescing strategies of party leaders, policies and policy preferences (Gandhi and Ong 2019) as well as psychological characteristics of individuals (Young 2020), which matter in autocratic contexts just as much as they usually do in democracies. Balancing these diverging preferences is at the heart of the observed dilemmas faced by systemic and non-systemic oppositions seeking cooperation with each other (see Armstrong et al 2020).…”

Section: Political Oppositions Beyond Liberal Democracy: Some Empirical Features and Patternsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Introduction: The nature of political opposition in contemporary electoral democracies and autocracies

Helms

2021

Eur Polit Sci

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At the level of regime typologies, the uncertain status and inherent weakness of the opposition mark defining features of regimes beyond liberal democracy. However, even the performance and evolution of the latter tend to be shaped by oppositions and the regime’s approach to dealing with them. This article offers a bird’s-eye view of political oppositions in contemporary electoral democracies and competitive autocracies. It focuses on patterns of strategic choices and behavior by both governments and oppositions. That endeavor forms part of a larger joint venture seeking to give center stage to those actors living in the shadows of increasingly unscrupulous power-holders.

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Section: Political Oppositions Beyond Liberal Democracy: Some Empirical Features and Patternsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Introduction: The nature of political opposition in contemporary electoral democracies and autocracies

Helms

2021

Eur Polit Sci

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“…Importantly, the annexation of Crimea proved to be a particularly powerful and successful instrument to split the pro-democratic opposition. It is widely recognized that unified oppositions present a more potent threat to non-democratic systems than divided oppositions (Armstrong et al, 2020).…”

Section: Multiple Objectives Of Russia's Policies In the Post-soviet Regionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia

Бусыгина¹,

Филиппов

2021

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.

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“…Electoral authoritarian regimes, such as Russia, which sanction the creation of multi-party legislatures have been shown to be more stable and long lasting than regimes which seek to rule through naked suppression (Levitsky and Way 2002;Schedler 2006). Competitive elections in autocracies legitimate the system, manage intra-elite conflicts, divide the opposition into systemic and non-systemic components, and co-opt the former (Gandhi and Przeworski 2007;Gandhi and Lust-Okar 2009;Ross 2018;Armstrong, Reuter, and Robertson 2020).…”

Section: Elections and Opposition Parties In Authoritarian Regimesmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Mobilized voting’ versus ‘performance voting’ in electoral autocracies: Territorial variations in the levels of support for the systemic opposition parties in Russian municipalities

Panov

Ross

2021

Regional & Federal Studies

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The main task of authoritarian elections is to guarantee the survival of the regime. Achieving this goal, authoritarian rulers rely on authoritarian electoral mobilization that is employed by political machines, targeted mostly on poor and dependent voters. At the same time, since electoral autocracies permit opposition parties, those voters, who avoid mobilization, are able to make a choice between the government and the opposition. If they are dissatisfied by their personal or social conditions, they are liable to engage in 'performance voting' and give their support to the opposition. In this article, we examine how the two logics of 'mobilized voting' and 'performance voting' relate to each other. The study is based on a large-N analysis of local level variations in the electoral support of Russia's three systemic opposition parties in 2016 Duma elections, and a unique dataset comprised of electoral and social-economic data, from local (municipal) units.

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Getting the opposition together: protest coordination in authoritarian regimes

Cited by 22 publications

References 28 publications

Introduction: The nature of political opposition in contemporary electoral democracies and autocracies

Introduction: The nature of political opposition in contemporary electoral democracies and autocracies

Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia

‘Mobilized voting’ versus ‘performance voting’ in electoral autocracies: Territorial variations in the levels of support for the systemic opposition parties in Russian municipalities

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