2012
DOI: 10.1080/14683857.2012.662346
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Geopolitics, Turkey’s EU accession course and Cyprus: power balances and ‘Soft Power’ calculations

Abstract: Turkey seems to have injected sufficient 'soft power' calculations in its foreign policy, presumably aiming at attraction and persuasion rather than coercion. Yet military power combined with a sustained economic growth are arguably the main drivers of its newly assertive foreign policy. This analysis explores Turkey's regional ambitions, including its potential leverage on conflict resolution, notably in Cyprus, that may conceivably assume significant geopolitical implications on power balances in the region.… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
2

Citation Types

0
2
0

Year Published

2018
2018
2021
2021

Publication Types

Select...
3
1

Relationship

0
4

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 4 publications
(2 citation statements)
references
References 15 publications
0
2
0
Order By: Relevance
“…Indeed, the RoC was promised membership to the Union by 2004 and it appeared highly likely that Turkey's bid for membership would also go through should it be able to help resolve the Cypriot conflict. Meanwhile, Turkish Cypriots had realized the precarity of depending on external aid for their economic survival; therefore, many labor unions as well as Turkish Cypriot activists also promoted peacebuilding so that Turkish Cypriots could enter the EU alongside the RoC and thus gain increased opportunities for trade and tourism (Guven-Lisaniler and Rodriguez, 2002;Yesilada and Sozen, 2002;Theophylactou, 2012). Concurrently, then-Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan started advocating for peace alongside much of the Turkish Cypriot civil society, as he saw the economic opportunities inherent in a potential EU membership (Theophylactou, 2012).…”
Section: Case Studiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Indeed, the RoC was promised membership to the Union by 2004 and it appeared highly likely that Turkey's bid for membership would also go through should it be able to help resolve the Cypriot conflict. Meanwhile, Turkish Cypriots had realized the precarity of depending on external aid for their economic survival; therefore, many labor unions as well as Turkish Cypriot activists also promoted peacebuilding so that Turkish Cypriots could enter the EU alongside the RoC and thus gain increased opportunities for trade and tourism (Guven-Lisaniler and Rodriguez, 2002;Yesilada and Sozen, 2002;Theophylactou, 2012). Concurrently, then-Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan started advocating for peace alongside much of the Turkish Cypriot civil society, as he saw the economic opportunities inherent in a potential EU membership (Theophylactou, 2012).…”
Section: Case Studiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Meanwhile, Turkish Cypriots had realized the precarity of depending on external aid for their economic survival; therefore, many labor unions as well as Turkish Cypriot activists also promoted peacebuilding so that Turkish Cypriots could enter the EU alongside the RoC and thus gain increased opportunities for trade and tourism (Guven-Lisaniler and Rodriguez, 2002;Yesilada and Sozen, 2002;Theophylactou, 2012). Concurrently, then-Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan started advocating for peace alongside much of the Turkish Cypriot civil society, as he saw the economic opportunities inherent in a potential EU membership (Theophylactou, 2012). This was a significant deviation from Turkey's prior position towards the conflict of no resolution without significant autonomy for Turkish Cypriots and some territorial control ceded to Turkey.…”
Section: Case Studiesmentioning
confidence: 99%