Gender, Sexuality and the Latin American Left: testing the transformation

Friedman, Elisabeth Jay

doi:10.1080/01436590802681132

Cited by 49 publications

(36 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…Para la ciencia política, el kirchnerismo se caracteriza por su tradición peronista, muchas veces ligada a la noción de populismo, que lo diferencia de los partidos de izquierda de otros países de la región, que conforman el "pink tide" (Friedman, 2009). El peronismo se destaca por ser una "realidad histórica mutante" (Acha, 2013:9) de gran amplitud ideológica, por interpelar a los sectores populares, y por oscilar entre períodos de resistencia y de integración (James, 2010).…”

Section: Kirchnerismo Feminismos Y Movimientos Lgbtunclassified

Matrimonio igualitario, identidad de género y disputas por el derecho al aborto en Argentina. La política sexual durante el kirchnerismo (2003-2015)

Tabbush

Diaz

Trebisacce

et al. 2016

Sex., Salud Soc. (Rio J.)

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Resumen: Los gobiernos 'progresistas' (pink tide) en materia socioeconómica del Cono Sur no tienen la misma trayectoria en el avance de los derechos de las mujeres y colectivos LGBT. Lo distintivo de la política sexual de la Argentina (2003-2015) es la tensión entre el avance de la agenda de derechos de la diversidad sexual, con la aprobación de leyes como matrimonio igualitario e identidad de género, y los esfuerzos frustrados del feminismo por legalizar el derecho al aborto. Este artículo presenta un estudio comparativo de estos tres intentos de reformas normativas durante el período de gobierno conocido como kirchnerismo. El análisis empírico identifica cuatro dimensiones fundamentales que, en su combinación, abren oportunidades o generan resistencias al cambio normativo en políticas de género y sexualidad: los vínculos entre Poder Ejecutivo e Iglesia; la política de partidos en un sistema presidencialista; los marcos interpretativos de cada demanda; las formas organizativas y estrategias de las organizaciones que las promueven.

show abstract

Section: Kirchnerismo Feminismos Y Movimientos Lgbtunclassified

Matrimonio igualitario, identidad de género y disputas por el derecho al aborto en Argentina. La política sexual durante el kirchnerismo (2003-2015)

Tabbush

Diaz

Trebisacce

et al. 2016

Sex., Salud Soc. (Rio J.)

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Achieving this order can involve both some more or less violent suppression of alternatives coupled with ‘“encouragement” by state agencies and activities of preferred forms’ (Corrigan and Sayer, : 199). The use of overtly violent means is seen as particularly pertinent to Nicaragua in relation to other ‘pink‐tide’ governments (Friedman, ). Together, these analytical elements facilitate understanding of recent Nicaraguan history between Sandinistas and feminists.…”

Section: Analytical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Despite the FSLN's international support through the Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA; Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America), it was forced to change its tactics because the attacks were so severe that they backfired. The FSLN's anti‐feminist repression was much worse than other ALBA governments' mixed record on women's rights (Friedman, ). ‘The intention was to demonise feminism and we feel the opposite happened.…”

Section: Sandinistas Battle Feminists: From Open Conflict To Cold Warmentioning

confidence: 99%

Love, Family Values and Reconciliation for All, but What about Rights, Justice and Citizenship for Women? TheFSLN, the Women's Movement, and Violence against Women inNicaragua

Jubb

2014

Bull Latin American Res

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article explores the apparent contradictions of the FSLN's commitment to both 'restoring' women's rights regarding violence against women and promoting Christian family values and reconciliation. It proposes an explanation based on the state's use of moral regulation to make a personified patriarchal social order seem normal by encouraging consent and, when necessary, applying coercion. Improved formal recognition of rights is belied by the continued inappropriate use of mediation and other practices that blame women, naturalise violence, and contribute to aggressors' impunity. Furthermore, the government has sanctioned aggressive tactics against feminists and women's organisations, who counter this social order with active citizenship.

show abstract

“…The apparent victories of indigenous movements likewise are limited (Escobar, 2010;Hale, 2011;Puig, 2010a). Even recognizing path dependence (Molyneux, 2008) and distinct modes of governance (de la Torre, 2013), similar problems occur across wide-ranging contexts, including the persistence of clientelism and undemocratic processes of decision making (Bebbington & Bebbington, 2011;B ed ecarrats, Bastiaensen, & Doligez, 2012;Escobar, 2010;Radcliffe, 2012;Sieder, 2002a), uneven land distribution (Bebbington & Bebbington, 2011;Enríquez, 2013), and patriarchy (Friedman, 2009;Sieder, 2002a) and post-colonial racial hierarchies (Sieder, 2002a;Yashar, 2005). The social sectors that were meant to be protected often have been the first to be hurt (Panizza, 2009).…”

mentioning

confidence: 97%