1998
DOI: 10.2307/166300
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Gender Equality and Electoral Politics on the Left: A Comparison of El Salvador and Nicaragua

Abstract: Cuando una mujer llega a la política cambia la mujer; pero…cuando las mujeres llegan a la política cambia la política.“Poder feminino,” FMLN election pamphletThe long-drawn-out military conflicts in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala have finally ended. Following the demobilization of the Nicaraguan resistance in 1990, the Salvadoran and Guatemalan guerrilla forces signed peace accords in 1992 (El Salvador) and 1996 (Guatemala) with their respective governments. In the wake of these agreements, Central Amer… Show more

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Cited by 21 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…The literature, however, specifies various groups of women responsible for articulating quota demands, including grassroots women's movements who work both nationally and internationally to promote women's political participation (Baldez 2004a; Bih‐er et al. 1990; Lokar 2003; Schmidt 2003b; Tripp 2003); cross‐partisan networks among women who make connections with each other through national and international women's gatherings, or through transnational women's networks, to exchange information on successful strategies for increasing women's representation (Bruhn 2003; Lubertino Beltrán 1992; Myakayaka‐Manzini 2002); women's organizations inside political parties who propose specific quota policies or draw on gains made by women in other parties to press for changes within their own parties (Connell 1998; Christensen 1999; Luciak 1998; Tripp 2001); individual women inside political parties who lobby male leaders to promote female candidates (Abou‐Zeid 2003; Araújo 2003; Bonder & Nari 1995; Caul 2001a); and women involved with the national women's machinery who support gender quotas as a means of accomplishing their broader goal of women‐friendly policy change (Chama 2001; Costa Benavides 2003; García Quesada 2003).…”
Section: Four Stories On Quota Adoptionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The literature, however, specifies various groups of women responsible for articulating quota demands, including grassroots women's movements who work both nationally and internationally to promote women's political participation (Baldez 2004a; Bih‐er et al. 1990; Lokar 2003; Schmidt 2003b; Tripp 2003); cross‐partisan networks among women who make connections with each other through national and international women's gatherings, or through transnational women's networks, to exchange information on successful strategies for increasing women's representation (Bruhn 2003; Lubertino Beltrán 1992; Myakayaka‐Manzini 2002); women's organizations inside political parties who propose specific quota policies or draw on gains made by women in other parties to press for changes within their own parties (Connell 1998; Christensen 1999; Luciak 1998; Tripp 2001); individual women inside political parties who lobby male leaders to promote female candidates (Abou‐Zeid 2003; Araújo 2003; Bonder & Nari 1995; Caul 2001a); and women involved with the national women's machinery who support gender quotas as a means of accomplishing their broader goal of women‐friendly policy change (Chama 2001; Costa Benavides 2003; García Quesada 2003).…”
Section: Four Stories On Quota Adoptionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Many scholars have contributed to a framework for examining the relationship between women's institutional participation, women's organisations, and democratisation in a wide variety of cases, has generated a substantial body of data and analysis about women's participation in democratic politics (e.g., Alvarez, 1990;Bystydzienski, 1992;Jaquette, 1994;Nelson and Chowdhury, 1994;Waylen, 1994). The cross national research on gender politics includes case studies in both advanced industrial democracies (Bystydzienski, 1995;Swers, 1998;Thomas, 1991;Young, 1997) and in developing post-transition democracies (Saint-Germain, 1993Jones, 1996Jones, , 1998Jaquette and Wolchik, 1998;Luciak, 1998;Jones and Navia, 1999). A number of cross-national studies within edited volumes advance regional analysis and cross-regional analysis (e.g., Bystydzienski, 1992;Waylen, 1993;Nelson and Chowdhury, 1994;Mazur and Stetson, 1995;Rai and Lievesley, 1996;Jaquette and Wolchik, 1998;Randall and Waylen, 1998;Craske, 1999).…”
Section: Electoral Systems and Gender Quotasmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We do not refer to all the texts that emerged from the searches but focus on those that provide grounded information about context and people's ‘lived’ experiences. One subset of the literature we reviewed looks at how women are elected and how elected women function within the formal political systems (Boyd, ; Howard‐Merriam, ; Geisler, ; Tripp, , , ; Luciak, ; Tamale, ; Lovenduski and Karam, ; Johnson et al., ; Lindberg, ; Rajasingham‐Senenayake, ; Ahmed‐Ghosh, ; Bauer and Britton, ; Krook, ; Kandiyoti, , ; Moghadam, ; Adams, ; Bauer, , ; Burnet, ; Devlin and Elgie, ; Waylen, 2006, 2007, ; Blaydes and El Tarouty, ; Hughes, ; Mushemeza, ; Abdullah, ; Abdullah and Aisha, ; Agarwal, ; Fleschenberg, ; Kantengwa, ; Khattak, ; Krook et al., ). This literature focuses on political representation through electoral systems.…”
Section: An Assessment Of the Evidence That Women's Formal Political mentioning
confidence: 99%