Abstract:Pollard and Morgan (2002) argued that the parental mixed‐gender preference (i.e., parents' preference to have at least one son and one daughter) will weaken in the United States as aspects of gender become increasingly deinstitutionalized. They presented evidence that mixed‐gender preference weakened in the 1986–1995 period compared to earlier and coined this change as emerging gender indifference. On the other hand, credible claims and evidence suggest that after 1985, the “gender revolution” has stalled. Suc… Show more
“…The models include controls for age at birth of the second child, time since the birth of the second child, time since migration (for the foreign-born only), calendar year, father's country of birth, and sex of the previous children. Estimated results from the main effects models are presented in the "Appendix" and Morgan 2002; Tian and Morgan 2015). Surprisingly, immigrant mothers who migrated to Sweden from Southeast Asia, an area with strong son-preference culture (Guilmoto 2012), manifest a similar pattern.…”
In this study, we investigate whether immigrant parents hold sex preferences for children in Sweden, a country that promotes gender equality and where parental preference for having a girl prevails. By applying event-history models to Swedish register data, we investigate the transition to third birth by the sex composition of children born among immigrants. In particular, we examine whether women who come from countries with strong son-preference cultures accelerate their process of having a third child if their prior children are both girls. We pay particular attention to immigrants from China, Korea, India and the former Yugoslavia, where son preference culture has been well documented in the literature. Our results show that women from China, Korea, India and the former Yugoslavia are more likely to have a third child if they have two girls than if they have two boys or a boy and a girl. Interestingly, mothers from China, Korea and India tends to accelerate their process to get a son, whereas mothers from the former Yugoslavia do not hasten. Furthermore, the 1.5 generation and the immigrant mothers with a Swedish partner from China, Korea and India demonstrate a girl preference, as the native Swedes do, whereas the 1.5 generation immigrant mothers from the former Yugoslavia do not show any sign of adaptation.
“…The models include controls for age at birth of the second child, time since the birth of the second child, time since migration (for the foreign-born only), calendar year, father's country of birth, and sex of the previous children. Estimated results from the main effects models are presented in the "Appendix" and Morgan 2002; Tian and Morgan 2015). Surprisingly, immigrant mothers who migrated to Sweden from Southeast Asia, an area with strong son-preference culture (Guilmoto 2012), manifest a similar pattern.…”
In this study, we investigate whether immigrant parents hold sex preferences for children in Sweden, a country that promotes gender equality and where parental preference for having a girl prevails. By applying event-history models to Swedish register data, we investigate the transition to third birth by the sex composition of children born among immigrants. In particular, we examine whether women who come from countries with strong son-preference cultures accelerate their process of having a third child if their prior children are both girls. We pay particular attention to immigrants from China, Korea, India and the former Yugoslavia, where son preference culture has been well documented in the literature. Our results show that women from China, Korea, India and the former Yugoslavia are more likely to have a third child if they have two girls than if they have two boys or a boy and a girl. Interestingly, mothers from China, Korea and India tends to accelerate their process to get a son, whereas mothers from the former Yugoslavia do not hasten. Furthermore, the 1.5 generation and the immigrant mothers with a Swedish partner from China, Korea and India demonstrate a girl preference, as the native Swedes do, whereas the 1.5 generation immigrant mothers from the former Yugoslavia do not show any sign of adaptation.
“…Furthermore, research results indicate that some parents have a preference for opposite sex-children as couples with two boys or two girls are more likely to have a third child than parents of a son and a daughter (e.g. Andersson et al 2006;Hank/Kohler 2003;Tian/Morgan 2015). Evans et al (2009) argue that, additionally to the mentioned factors, an (empirically unobservable) "biological" desire to have another child drives the decision for an additional child, which might differ between individuals as well.…”
Section: States)mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Andersson et al 2006;Hank/Kohler 2003;Tian/ Morgan 2015), we take into account the sex of the first two children. If parents prefer having mixed-sex children, mothers of two sons or two daughters should be more likely to have a third child, since in these cases the expected utility of a third child is higher.…”
Section: States)mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yamaguchi and Ferguson (1995) confirm this pattern in particular for highly educated and younger women in the US. Tian and Morgan (2015) show that the effect of gender composition still exists, although it declined in the US until the mid-1990s.…”
Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Schröder, J., Schmiedeberg, C., & Brüderl, J. (2016). Beyond the two-child family: factors affecting second and third birth rates in West Germany. Zeitschrift für Familienforschung, 28(1) Beyond the two-child family: Factors affecting second and third birth rates in West Germany
Einflussfaktoren auf die Übergangsraten zur zweiten und dritten Geburt in Westdeutschland AbstractBased on retrospective data from the German Family Survey (DJI Familiensurvey) 2000, we investigate factors associated with the transition from the second to the third child for West German women of the birth cohorts 1944-1979 and contrast them to the determinants of the transition from the first to the second child. Applying event history analysis, we confirm effects of timing and spacing of children and mothers' labor force participation reported in previous studies. In addition, we find a higher third birth rate for women with two children of the same sex, who might wish to have a child of the opposite sex. Further, we find a higher third birth rate for women with two or more siblings, which we interpret as transmission of family values. Finally, women with a new partner since the first birth as well as women with a new partner since the second birth show higher third birth rates, which might result from a union-confirmation effect of shared children in combination with a two child norm.
“…The issue of parents’ preferences for sex of children has gained increased attention in demographic research. Previously, developing countries were the main focus of research (e.g., Arnold and Kuo 1984 ; Basu and Das Gupta 2001 ), but over the past decades there has been an increasing interest in sex preferences in developed countries as well (Hank and Kohler 2000 ; Marleau and Saucier 2002 ; Mills and Begall 2010 ; Tian and Morgan 2015 ). It is sometimes argued that sex preferences would be small or non-existing in relatively gender equal societies (Pollard and Morgan 2002 ).…”
It has been argued that preferences for the sex of children would be small or non‐existing in relatively gender equal societies. However, previous studies have suggested that a stronger preference for having daughter exists in Scandinavian countries, which are frequently noted for being among the most gender equal societies in the world. Combining new register data on birth rates by sex of the previous children and recent survey data on couples’ stated preferences for the sex of children, we show that the preference for daughters has increased in Sweden over the last decade. In addition to the stronger preference for having daughters among two‐child mothers documented in previous research, our findings show that during the previous decade this preference was noticeable also among one‐child parents. Despite Swedish society being known for holding gender equal social norms, interviewed parents openly expressed some degree of preference for having daughters over sons.
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