2017
DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-43533-6
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Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe

Abstract: translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevan… Show more

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Cited by 138 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…16-17). Yet, it's the masculine way populism defines itself to contrast gender equality, as it promotes an "image" of woman and of its social role branded by a traditionalist and "othered" message (Köttig et al, 2017). Indeed, local case-studies intersecting far-right's agenda emphasized the threatens for gender equity coming from ethnocentric stances on both sides of individual social lifestyle and women's self-determination (Norocel, 2013;Meret & Siim, 2013;Immerzeel et al, 2015).…”
Section: Far-right's Challenge To Women's Rights and Gender Equalitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…16-17). Yet, it's the masculine way populism defines itself to contrast gender equality, as it promotes an "image" of woman and of its social role branded by a traditionalist and "othered" message (Köttig et al, 2017). Indeed, local case-studies intersecting far-right's agenda emphasized the threatens for gender equity coming from ethnocentric stances on both sides of individual social lifestyle and women's self-determination (Norocel, 2013;Meret & Siim, 2013;Immerzeel et al, 2015).…”
Section: Far-right's Challenge To Women's Rights and Gender Equalitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Jenny Gunnarsson Payne argues that '"gender" has come to play a central role in the construction of political frontiers in the currently polarised political situation that Chantal Mouffe […] has called Europe's populist moment' (Payne 2019). Eszter Kováts (2017b;2018a; similarly argues that the anti-gender campaigns are the outcome of hegemonic consensuses among the 'so-called progressive actors' (Kováts 2017b(Kováts , 2018b. As gender+ movements are being associated with such 'progressive consensuses', they are being held co-responsible for the experiences of precarity and exclusion that they generate (Kováts and Pető 2017, 127).…”
Section: Agonism and Anti-gender Campaignsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…That is, anti-gender mobilisations in Europe from 2010 onwards were and are triggered by nationally specific policy debates (Kuhar & Patternotte 2017b, 256). Although Kováts proposes 'human rights' and 'neoliberalism' as what one might call cross-national master-consensuses to have brought about anti-gender antagonisms on a larger scale (Kováts 2017b;2018a;, the exact configuration and 'face' of a consensus most often bear unique traits, which must be derived from the national context under study. In this study, homonationalism is therefore considered as one of such triggering policy debates that came to fuel and intensify an anti-gender mobilisation in Denmark.…”
Section: Agonism and Anti-gender Campaignsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…U uzorku koji sam analizirala koristi se čak trideset jedan termin. Osim naziva antirodni pokret (Kuhar i Zobec 2017), najčešće su korišteni termini antirodna mobilizacija (Gennero 2017), antirodna kampanja (Korolczuk 2020), antidženderizam (Buschmann 2017), antifeministički pokret (Szelewa 2014), antirodni aktivizam (Kováts 2017), antirodne pozicije (Kalil 2019) i nazadovanje politika rodne ravnopravnosti (Krizsan i Roggeband 2018).…”
Section: Pojmovi I Definicijeunclassified