Garbage of the Gods? Squatters, Refuse Disposal, and Termination Rituals among the Ancient Maya

Abstract

Differentiating the material patterning between domestic refuse from squatters and ceremonial trash generated from termination rituals has been difficult for Maya archaeologists. Rich floor assemblages, especially from elite contexts, have been interpreted as “decadent” squatter refuse by some researchers and the remains of abandonment rituals by others. The identification and separation of these classes of behavior are essential for interpretations of floor assemblages. In this paper, we examine data from numerous contexts, in order to contextualize the debate over the interpretation of these two models. Ethnoarchaeological, ethnohistoric, and archaeological data indicate that close scrutiny of the context and material composition of such deposits are needed to distinguish these very different classes of behavior.

Late Classic Maya Pottery Production: Review and Synthesis

“…: 250), suggesting that this is "palace-sited" polychrome pottery production or painting, notes an intriguing "associated termination offering" of a limestone carving of the twin monkey-god patrons of the arts, as well as refuse from stone-tool making and bonecarving activities. This deposit appears to signal termination (Stanton et al 2008) of manufacture of this pottery, abandonment of the palace, or some other critical event. More of this pottery was recovered nearby, along with "fragments of ceramic levigation vats for a calcareous white slip, a variety of modeling, smoothing, scraping, and burnishing tools, and several small paint-pots holding traces of red, yellow, and Maya-blue pigments" (Reents-Budet et al 2000: 111n13).…”

“…However, it appears that residents of this group only painted the already-fired pottery (Coggins 1975: 429), a situation like that in the Buenavista palace. The deposit appears to represent some aspect of production, but lacks firing debris, and I see it as an example of a "special purpose dump" (Moholy-Nagy 1997: 302; see also Stanton et al 2008) associated with termination.…”

The Vučedol culture (Vučedolska kultura)

“…S obzirom na to da su kuće u naselju bile gusto zbijene, veća odlagališta otpada smještena su uz rub naselja što je potvrđeno velikom količinom životinjskih kostiju, pepela i kućnog lijepa (Balen 2009;Durman & Hutinec 2011). Obrasci za odlaganje otpada u naselju vrlo su dragocjen izvor podataka o društvenoj, demografskoj ili ekonomskoj organizaciji naselja, a posebno su mjerljivi etnoarheološkim istraživanjima (Schiffer 1976;Hayden & Cannon 1983;Arnold 1990;Schiffer 1996;Stanton et al 2008). Etnoarheološka istraživanja tako razlikuju: uobičajen manji otpad (većinom organskog porijekla) iz kuća koji se uklanjao na prostor ispred kuće; jame koje se nalaze u blizini kuća i sastavni su dio jednog domaćinstva u koji The room with the hearth was the central part of the house and was used for food preparation and other household chores.…”

Excavations in Nakum structure 99: new data on Protoclassic rituals and Precolumbian Maya beekeeping

“…In other cases there is no evidence of long-term exposition of offered objects and space (structure or room). Instead, walls or vaults seem to have collapsed shortly after the deposition of the objects integral to the termination rituals or rather have been intentionally pulled down to cover and seal the place (Stross, 1998;Stanton et al, 2008).…”

“…It is possible that the pottery was part of a midden left by the final inhabitants and that the human skeleton belongs to an individual who died there or was killed and abandoned without a funeral (comp. Stanton et al, 2008).…”