“…We believe that it is important to refer to these women as survivors of sexual abuse rather than as victims as this conveys a better sense of strength and hope. It also acknowledges that despite the stereotypical and colonial production of South Asian women as in need of being saved by others (Razack, 2004) there are some who are willing to stand up and fight against patriarchal/male violence from within their own communities (Patel and Bard 2010). Indeed two of the survivors interviewed had gone on to help and support other sexually abused women.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Unfortunately this suggests a rather homogenous view of the women, even though we know that this is not the case. Indeed the perceived cultural homogeneity of South Asian women has been challenged for some time; with the fact that South Asian women are not all in need of being saved by others evident through activist and support charities such as Southall Black Sisters and Apna Haq (Patel and Bard 2010;Gill 2010).…”
The policing of black and minority ethnic communities have a chequered history, with institutional racism, over policing and under protection being rife. While there have been several studies completed on policing and race, very little has looked at the intersectionality of race, gender and policing. Taking into account relevant literature which suggests that aspects of community policing may still suffer from institutional racism and based on original empirical research, this article attempts to contribute to a small literature base by concentrating on the low level of sexual abuse reporting from South Asian women and in particular on how four British police force areas currently respond to sexual abuse incidents where the victim is a member of the British South Asian community. In addition to evaluating these police responses we explore what more can be done by the police and other organisations to help increase the sexual abuse reporting rates from this and other ethnic groupings.
“…We believe that it is important to refer to these women as survivors of sexual abuse rather than as victims as this conveys a better sense of strength and hope. It also acknowledges that despite the stereotypical and colonial production of South Asian women as in need of being saved by others (Razack, 2004) there are some who are willing to stand up and fight against patriarchal/male violence from within their own communities (Patel and Bard 2010). Indeed two of the survivors interviewed had gone on to help and support other sexually abused women.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Unfortunately this suggests a rather homogenous view of the women, even though we know that this is not the case. Indeed the perceived cultural homogeneity of South Asian women has been challenged for some time; with the fact that South Asian women are not all in need of being saved by others evident through activist and support charities such as Southall Black Sisters and Apna Haq (Patel and Bard 2010;Gill 2010).…”
The policing of black and minority ethnic communities have a chequered history, with institutional racism, over policing and under protection being rife. While there have been several studies completed on policing and race, very little has looked at the intersectionality of race, gender and policing. Taking into account relevant literature which suggests that aspects of community policing may still suffer from institutional racism and based on original empirical research, this article attempts to contribute to a small literature base by concentrating on the low level of sexual abuse reporting from South Asian women and in particular on how four British police force areas currently respond to sexual abuse incidents where the victim is a member of the British South Asian community. In addition to evaluating these police responses we explore what more can be done by the police and other organisations to help increase the sexual abuse reporting rates from this and other ethnic groupings.
“…The promotion of segregated faith communities and the enhancement of their role in terms of integration is found particularly in recent reports of the Department for Communities and Local Government (). Patel and Baird () note that the promotion of religious identity, a product of the ‘War on Terror’ characterizes communities through religion and involves static categorizations. They argue that there isa rise of fundamentalist leaderships in minority communities in the United Kingdom has posed a significant threat to the autonomy and fundamental freedoms of minority women since the early 1990s … but what is different this time is the State's unequivocal assertion that religion is both a vital part of public life that must be strengthened, and a central (and fixed) element in defining individual and group identities.…”
Section: The Politics Of Social Cohesion In the Uk: Culturalization Amentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The consequent slide from multiculturalism to multifaithism is paving the way for the most reactionary and even fundamentalist religious leaders to take control of minority communities. (Patel and Baird, : 311)Such moves are part of singling out the good and the bad Muslims, using the former to police and curtail the latter.…”
Section: The Politics Of Social Cohesion In the Uk: Culturalization Amentioning
This paper proposes the need to move beyond current integration and diversity discourses (and their practices). It argues that whilst purportedly aiming to attack social divisions, on the one hand, these are underpinned by binary and essentialized constructions of these very divisions, on the other. They thereby reinforce notions of 'us' and 'them'. In order to retain their more progressive concerns with heterogeneity and inclusion, the paper brings into focus an intersectional approach that considers the complex and irreducible nature of belonging and social hierarchy. The paper also considers the potential of notions of solidarity and interculturalism in dealing with some of the social issues involved.
“…The most interesting view that they all share as pertains to politics is a total rejection of political religion, which in the case of Namazie also constitutes her direct ideological opposition. This also manifests itself in an aversion to religious accommodation that covers faith schools (Patel 2010) and the veil. Manea, in fact, sees the decision to allow Sikh bus drivers to wear their turbans at work, and the subsequent decision to allow them to wear it instead of a helmet in 1973, as when things started to veer toward the "politics of difference," particularly since this eventually led to Sikhs being considered a distinct ethnic group with distinct rights under the Race Relations Act (Manea 2016, 44).…”
Section: Summing Up the Vocabulary And Framing Of The Activists And Mmentioning
This thesis argues that a group of women from Muslim majority communities campaigning against Sharia law in Britain is challenging group rights multicultural discourse, and that this challenge is quite serious. The thesis' premise is based on decentering. Instead of looking at their campaign through the lens of multicultural theory, the campaigners are given the proverbial first and last word against their intellectual adversaries. This is done for the purpose of added value -there is limited literature in the field privileging this position. The theory used consists of frame analysis with added insights from critical theory and critical discourse analysis, as power and the concept of hegemony are central to the case. It is concluded that the way the women frame their campaign and their politics does indeed challenge group rights multicultural discourse.Keywords: Islam, Muslims, women's rights, multiculturalism, framing, critical discourse analysis, hegemony, Sharia, discourse, Britain, universalism, Islamism Framing Secular Women's Rights in Contemporary Britain and Beyond: Challenges and Implications
SummaryThis paper argues that the current secular women's rights campaign against sharia councils and religious group rights in Britain both challenges and is challenged by the multicultural discourse it engages with. The theory and methodology is primarily based on frame analysis, but also incorporates insights from critical theory and critical discourse analysis, which, while making many of the same observations as frame analysis, allows for a greater focus on exertions of power on the lexical level.While multiculturalism both as academic theory and policy has been under increasing strain in Britain in recent years, secular minority women's rights activists in Britain have been targeting defenses of cultural and religious rights, which they view as more condescending than helpful, since at least 1979.More than merely attacking particular policies with which they disagree, the activists also argue that they have been betrayed by both the political and the academic left, which insists on seeing them as part of the Muslim community instead of as women from a marginalized ethnic group. They frame their fight in transnational and universal terms, rejecting that there is something particular about Muslim communities or people from them that should make them more or less compatible with secular human rights values. By extension, they argue that there is nothing wrong with demanding that Muslims in Britain adhere to secular human rights values, and that religious accommodation risks empowering patriarchal authority figures in minority communities. Instead, they believe that ethnic categories and gender should be the focus of rights policies. However, their rejection of the political accommodation of Islam resembles that of the far-right, and so they must walk a tightrope, simultaneously rejecting what they see as Islamic patriarchy and far-right racism.In the academic realm, the multicultural discourse they ...
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