From a Death Sentence to a Disrupted Life

Abstract

This study explores women's experiences of breast cancer in the occupied Palestinian territory. We use an inductive qualitative design with a thematic analytical approach for conducting and analyzing 35 semi-structured interviews with breast cancer patients. The interviews focused on diagnosis, experiences and coping with breast cancer, social support and care needs, and the impact of illness on their families and social relationships. Three themes emerged: (a) the transition from initial shock to the daily struggles with disruptions caused by illness, (b) the role of social support in helping women cope with the burden of disease, and the importance of (c) faith and reliance on God (tawakkul). In the Palestinian context, women's narratives highlighted the disruptive nature of breast cancer. Our findings underline the importance of social support provided by extended family members. Finally, faith is an important overarching theme that influences how women make sense of and cope with breast cancer.

Understanding wellness and barriers to care among Iraqi refugee women in the United States

“…According to many interpretations of Islam, God has power over health and illness, but Islamic bioethics also places importance on preventing illness and preserving life (Baron-Epel, Granot, Badarna, & Avrami, 2004;Daar & Khitamy, 2001). In this study, we cannot conclude that acceptance of divine will and passivity are synonymous, especially as lived experience of religion is often contradictory and ambiguous (Hammoudeh, Hogan, & Giacaman, 2017;Schielke, 2012).…”

Psychosocial Aspects of Female Breast Cancer in the Middle East and North Africa

“…Religious practices, such as becoming more devout and praying much more often, as a means of coping with their illness were reported by women, as well as references to tawakkul (trust in God) [ 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 ]. In addition, screening and early diagnosis were perceived to be worthless and futile since God is the only protector and healer, even though, opposingly, treatment was claimed to be necessary since “our bodies are lent to us by God” and must be taken care of [ 25 , 26 , 33 ].…”

“…Some cultural values in the MENA region necessitated having a female doctor for clinical breast examinations (CBE) and mammograms, which resulted in a delay in diagnosis of approximately 8 months among Libyan, Palestinian, and Egyptian women [ 25 , 37 , 38 ]. Furthermore, culturally, the term “cancer” has been shown to be associated with either death or baldness due to chemotherapy [ 29 , 31 ]. This seemed to be a more common conception among Arab women, leading them to avoid mentioning it to their families.…”

“…Their comfort speaking about their diagnosis with strangers resulted from the social stigma and the way that cancer is perceived and framed by their close community. Cancer was also linked to being attacked by someone’s “Evil Eye”, and was believed to be able to be resolved on its own or through the use of home remedies, such as rubbing the lump with olive oil [ 24 , 29 , 32 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 ].…”

“…According to the WHO, quality of life (QOL) is defined as an individual’s perception of their position in life within the context of the culture and value systems in which they live and in relation to their goals, expectations, standards, and concerns [ 70 ]. When Arab women were asked about their definition of quality of life, they generally described their ability to fulfill their roles as mothers and wives [ 24 , 28 , 29 , 33 , 71 ]. Lower income and higher financial stress were associated with a poor quality of life in addition to higher pain severity [ 71 ].…”