French prosodics and phonotactics

Klausenburger, Jurgen

doi:10.1515/9783111328119

Cited by 14 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…II est indeniable que le francais moderne ne possede pas d'accent lexicalement distinctif et qu'il est de plus la seule langue romane qui a perdu cette caracteristique dans le cours de son evolution (Klausenburger, 1970). Ce fait ne permet cependant pas de nier l'existence de toute accentuation en francais, ce qui serait manifestement contre-intuitif et contraire a l'axiome fondamental de la prosodologie selon lequel toutes les langues possedent a la fois une structure metrique et une structure tonale.…”

Section: Panorama Des Travaux Sur L Acc En T U At Io N Du Franqaisunclassified

“…supra) est le propre des langues dites a cursus, selon la typologie de Pulgram (1970), pour lesquelles, contrairement a ce qui se passe dans les langues dites a nexus, les frontieres entre lexemes se sont effacees en raison notamment de la disparition de leurs marques prosodiques. Cet etat constituerait ainsi l'aboutissement d'un long processus evolutif qui aurait egalement vu le franc,ais perdre le caractere dynamique de son accentuation au profit de la quantite (Pope, 1934;Klausenburger, 1970).…”

Section: Le Point De Vue Traditionnel Sur L'accentuation Du Francaisunclassified

“…Une fois admise l'idee que le mot n'est peut-etre pas prosodiquement amorphe en francais, on reste confronte a la difficulty de specifier la taille des unites accentuelles elementaires de cette langue et, partant, celle du mot phonologique. Dans cette perspective, le 'groupe de souffle' (ou curseme, selon Pulgram, 1970) qui est le candidat que proposent plusieurs approches anciennes (Klausenburger, 1970), ne saurait etre retenu. Un consensus parait s'etre etabli plus recemment sur le 'groupe clitique', ce dernier etant forme d'une tete lexicale et des items qu'elle regit (Garde, 1968;Home, 1978;Mertens, 1993aMertens, , 1993b; Di Cristo, a paraitre).…”

Section: Le Point De Vue Traditionnel Sur L'accentuation Du Francaisunclassified

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Vers une modélisation de l'accentuation du français: première partie

Cristo¹

1999

French Language Studies

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Nous proposons d'effectuer dans cette étude un large tour d'horizon des problèmes liés à l'interprétation de l'accent en général et de l'accentuation du français contemporain en particulier. Cet « état des lieux » (première partie) débouche sur l'esquisse d'une modélisation du cadre accentuel du français (seconde partie) fondée sur une classification fonctionnelle des catégories d'accentuation et la mise en œuvre généralisée du principe de bipolarisation accentuelle qui permet, selon nous, de rendre compte du caractère probabilitaire de l'accentuation du français et de la variabilité de ses des motifs rythmiques attestés dans les formes prosodiques de surface.

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Section: Panorama Des Travaux Sur L Acc En T U At Io N Du Franqaisunclassified

Section: Le Point De Vue Traditionnel Sur L'accentuation Du Francaisunclassified

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Vers une modélisation de l'accentuation du français: première partie

Cristo¹

1999

French Language Studies

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“…Included in this group are Pope (1952), Rheinfelder (1953) and Fouche (1966). Klausenburger (1970) alludes to a dating at around the end of the early Old French period, i.e. at around the end of the 11th century, and Gess (1996) supports a dating in the 12th or 13th century.…”

Section: Old French Consonant Loss and Compensatory Lengtheningmentioning

confidence: 96%

Compensatory lengthening and structure preservation revisited

Gess

1998

Phonology

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In de Chene & Anderson's (1979) article on compensatory lengthening, the authors make two strong claims as to the universal nature of compensatory lengthening. These claims are: (i) that compensatory lengthening occurs in two stages, involving the weakening of a consonant to a glide and the subsequent merger of the resulting diphthong; and (ii) that compensatory lengthening can only occur when there is a pre-existing vowel-length contrast in the language in question.Both of these claims have received considerable attention in the literature. The first claim has never gained widespread acceptance, and has been challenged in several studies. Challenges have come from, for example, Hock (1986), Poser (1986), Sezer (1986) and more recently Gildea (1995). Each of these scholars provides a strong case against the view that compensatory lengthening is always decomposable into two distinct stages. The ensemble of their arguments renders this claim simply untenable.The second claim has gained widespread acceptance, as discussed below. Nevertheless, it has been challenged by a few scholars, for example, Hock (1986), Hayes (1989), Morin (1992) and Lin (1997). Hock (1986) mentions in a footnote that this claim is also ' dubious, except maybe as a tendency', citing as a counterexample final /h/-deletion in Andalusian Spanish, with compensatory lengthening and no pre-existing vowel length contrast. Hayes (1989), in another important article on compensatory lengthening, suggests that, according to moraic theory, a pre-existing distinction between heavy and light syllables should be a sufficient condition to allow compensatory lengthening to occur. Hayes mentions two cases that he knows of that bear out his prediction: Ilokano and, citing * An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1997 meeting of the Linguistic Society of America in Chicago. I wish to thank the audience there, and Stuart Davis in particular. I also wish to thank the three anonymous reviewers for Phonology, as well as the anonymous associate editor, whose comments on earlier versions of this article led to substantial improvements.

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“…I propose that the avoidance of the post-infinitival position is interrelated with the predominant iambic character of the medieval French foot structure: Wartburg (1965: 184) determines that Old French has two-thirds oxytones. By the middle of the 16 th century with the loss of final schwa (/e/), the prosodic system becomes strictly oxytonic, i. e., all prosodic constituents get right-headed (Klausenburger 1970). By contrast, both modern Spanish and modern Italian basically have trochaic foot structure.…”

Section: Clitic Position With Respect To Infinitivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Distributed Morphology of Object Clitics in Modern French

Goldbach

2007

Zeitschrift Für Sprachwissenschaft

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In modern French, as in all Romance languages, the combination of two object clitics is subject to rigid ordering and co-occurrence constraints. The present paper shows that constraints of both kinds can be ascribed to systematically operating impoverishment processes in the sense of Distributed Morphology (Bonet 1995;Halle & Marantz 1993) without recourse to templates (cf. Miller & Sag 1997; Perlmutter 1971, etc.). The system that will be presented below is consistent, complete and non-redundant. Thus, it fulfils the essential metatheoretical qualifications of a formal system. The assumption of this paper is that the object clitics are postsyntactically inserted dissociated morphemes that are, prior to further operations kicking in, preverbally linearized. The postposition present in the positive imperative is brought about by another, subsequent, postsyntactic operation, i. e. by local dislocation. Or, put another way, there is an operational level in which the object clitics are arranged before the verb. Only on a downstream operational level do the object clitics move behind the verb.In this article I do not submit any new empirical findings on the modern French clitic system. My aim is to harness the well-known phenomena for modelling them in Distributed Morphology.

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French prosodics and phonotactics

Cited by 14 publications

References 0 publications

Vers une modélisation de l'accentuation du français: première partie

Vers une modélisation de l'accentuation du français: première partie

Compensatory lengthening and structure preservation revisited

The Distributed Morphology of Object Clitics in Modern French

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