Abstract:Existing research has shown that individuals have a fairly defined and consistent ideology when it comes to foreign policy. However, exploring how a foreign policy ideology influences more specific policy preferences is largely understudied. I apply this concept of a foreign policy ideology in understanding conflict preferences in the recent conflicts in Afghanistan and Libya. Results demonstrate that a foreign policy ideology has a strong influence on preferences in both conflicts, but that this influence is … Show more
“…Esto se reeja en estudios de las Relaciones Internacionales sobre periodos o temáticas clásicas, tales como la Guerra Fría (Parker, 2011), la Unión Soviética (Adomeit, 1980), la Liga de las Naciones (Egerton, 1991), y temas más actuales como el conicto EE. UU y Siria (Gani, 2014), la política exterior estadounidense hacia Medio Oriente (Martini, 2015;Shlaim, 2011), la política exterior de Georgia (Oskanian, 2016), etc. Otras nociones al abordar la temática son los estudios de las políticas exteriores latinoamericanas, respecto a la convergencia entre las ideologías y el pragmatismo en el transcurso de las historias nacionales, fundamentalmente contemporáneas, de Gardini, Lambert, Fermandois, Raby, St. John, entre otros, en la obra Latin American Foreing Policies, compilado por Gardini y Lambert (2011).…”
El objetivo del presente trabajo es en analizar la política exterior de Chile desde 1990, enfocándose particularmente en sus aspectos ideacionales, discursivos y materiales. Mediante el lente de la Teoría Crítica en las Relaciones Internacionales, se tiene en consideración una amalgama de ideas, discursos, estrategias y acciones que encierran la ideología orgánica de la política exterior de Chile desde 1990. Este artículo ofrece un recorrido cronológico y un breve análisis sobre la ideología orgánica de esta política exterior, que se caracteriza por una autopercepción de superioridad nacional, el valor por el territorio y la ley, como también el aislacionismo regional y su apertura comercial monoproductiva con las grandes potencias, entre otras características. En definitiva, Chile en un estilo pragmático y camaleónico, se ha moldeado a un contexto hegemónico transnacional, en virtud de los intereses ideológicos, económicos y políticos de dominación de elites.
“…Esto se reeja en estudios de las Relaciones Internacionales sobre periodos o temáticas clásicas, tales como la Guerra Fría (Parker, 2011), la Unión Soviética (Adomeit, 1980), la Liga de las Naciones (Egerton, 1991), y temas más actuales como el conicto EE. UU y Siria (Gani, 2014), la política exterior estadounidense hacia Medio Oriente (Martini, 2015;Shlaim, 2011), la política exterior de Georgia (Oskanian, 2016), etc. Otras nociones al abordar la temática son los estudios de las políticas exteriores latinoamericanas, respecto a la convergencia entre las ideologías y el pragmatismo en el transcurso de las historias nacionales, fundamentalmente contemporáneas, de Gardini, Lambert, Fermandois, Raby, St. John, entre otros, en la obra Latin American Foreing Policies, compilado por Gardini y Lambert (2011).…”
El objetivo del presente trabajo es en analizar la política exterior de Chile desde 1990, enfocándose particularmente en sus aspectos ideacionales, discursivos y materiales. Mediante el lente de la Teoría Crítica en las Relaciones Internacionales, se tiene en consideración una amalgama de ideas, discursos, estrategias y acciones que encierran la ideología orgánica de la política exterior de Chile desde 1990. Este artículo ofrece un recorrido cronológico y un breve análisis sobre la ideología orgánica de esta política exterior, que se caracteriza por una autopercepción de superioridad nacional, el valor por el territorio y la ley, como también el aislacionismo regional y su apertura comercial monoproductiva con las grandes potencias, entre otras características. En definitiva, Chile en un estilo pragmático y camaleónico, se ha moldeado a un contexto hegemónico transnacional, en virtud de los intereses ideológicos, económicos y políticos de dominación de elites.
“…Martini, for example, in his study of citizen preferences over conflict in Libya and Afghanistan, argues for 'a multidimensional conceptualisation… that covers the most basic beliefs within foreign policy'. 19 Third, these works proceed most often through formal hypothesis testing, by elaborating theoretical claims and specifying the conditions under which they may be falsified. 20 This entails a preference for the use of methods associated with 'positivist' social science research, including case studies, 21 the comparative method, 22 regression analysis, 23 cross-tabulations and descriptive statistics, 24 large-scale surveys, 25 and factor analysis.…”
Recent years have seen significant interest among scholars of International Relations (IR) in ideological analysis. By treating international theories as international ideologies, this trend entails both a radical reconceptualization of IR's disciplinary foundations as well as the emergence of important new lines of inquiry for scholars of ideology. And yet, as a research programme, ideological analysis in IR has failed to establish a significant foothold in the discipline. This article locates the source of this weakness in the fractious nature of IR as a discipline, which has contributed to the emergence of five distinct paradigms of ideological analysis: Analytical, Historical, Philosophical, Critical, and Reflexive. Reviewing these five distinct bodies of scholarship, this article demonstrates that ideological analysis is 'alive and well' in IR, but argues that greater engagement between divergent paradigms will be required in order to fully understand the complexities of international ideologies.
“…Although the international relations (IR) literature examines the public opinion and foreign policy nexus outside the United States on policy episodes like the Bosnian War (Sobel & Shiraev ), the Iraq War (Williams et al. ; Clements ), or the wars in Afghanistan and Libya (Martini ; Reifler et al. ), whether voters hold their government accountable for their foreign policy performance at the ballot box, and whether responsibility diffusion influences that relationship, remain to be seen.…”
Do voters’ assessments of the government's foreign policy performance influence their vote intentions? Does the ‘clarity of responsibility’ in government moderate this relationship? Existing research on the United States demonstrates that the electorate's foreign policy evaluations influence voting behaviour. Whether a similar relationship exists across the advanced democracies in Europe remains understudied, as does the role of domestic political institutions that might generate responsibility diffusion and dampen the effect of foreign policy evaluations on vote choice. Using the attitudinal measures of performance from the 2011 Transatlantic Trends survey collected across 13 European countries, these questions are answered in this study through testing on incumbent vote the diffusion‐inducing effects of five key domestic factors frequently used in the foreign policy analysis literature. Multilevel regression analyses conclude that the electorate's ability to assign punishment decreases at higher levels of responsibility diffusion, allowing policy makers to circumvent the electoral costs of unpopular foreign policy. Specifically, coalition governments, semi‐presidential systems, ideological dispersion among the governing parties and the diverse allocation of the prime ministerial and foreign policy portfolios generate diffusion, dampening the negative effects of foreign policy disapproval on vote choice. This article contributes not only to the debate on the role of foreign policy in electoral politics, but also illustrates the consequential effects of domestic institutions on this relationship.
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