Beyond Functional Sequence 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190210588.003.0004
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Focus Fronting and the Syntax-Semantics Interface

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Cited by 7 publications
(8 citation statements)
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References 25 publications
(12 reference statements)
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“…la pasta (or any other food not appropriate for a diet), and there is a contrastive import connected to them, but no presupposition associated. Crucially, these are realised inside the same speech act (Bianchi , 2015, which means that the semantic antecedent is realised at the same time of its contrast. Notice that a contrastive focus is pragmatically felicitous only when in situ, as in (4b), but it cannot be moved to a fronted position (4c).…”
Section: Contrastive Focusmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…la pasta (or any other food not appropriate for a diet), and there is a contrastive import connected to them, but no presupposition associated. Crucially, these are realised inside the same speech act (Bianchi , 2015, which means that the semantic antecedent is realised at the same time of its contrast. Notice that a contrastive focus is pragmatically felicitous only when in situ, as in (4b), but it cannot be moved to a fronted position (4c).…”
Section: Contrastive Focusmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For instance, one could also make use of ‘domain widening’ in the sense of Zanuttini & Portner’s (2003) account of exclamatives [4] . However, in what follows we adopt one possible approach in terms of comparative likelihood articulated by Bianchi (2015) and Bianchi, Bocci & Cruschina (in press).…”
Section: Fronting Patterns Beyond Information Structurementioning
confidence: 99%
“…In formal semantics, the relative likelihood of propositions is based on both a relevant modal base and an ordering source that encodes the course of events in the world of evaluation, which in turn serves as the source of the speaker’s general expectations (e.g. Grosz 2012, Kratzer 2012, Bianchi 2015). These two modal components for formalizing the notion of surprise/unexpectedness can be spelled out as (i) the modal base (w), i.e.…”
Section: Fronting Patterns Beyond Information Structurementioning
confidence: 99%
“…At first, following previous studies [6,7,[9][10]11], this paper assumes that ForceP constitutes a phasehood, and its head establishes a close relationship with Top and Foc via the FI operation. The force property in the finite clause is necessary for determining illocutionary force [6,7], and, if necessary, motivating merger operations to the edge of the clausal periphery [9,11]. In fact, it can be argued that the existence/absence of ForceP differentiates the grammaticality between (7) and (8) below.…”
Section: Basic Assumptions: Phase-based Cartographic Perspectivementioning
confidence: 99%