Expressive particle verbs and conditions on particle fronting

Abstract

In this paper, we propose a new distinction between expressive and non-expressive particle verbs in German. The basic observation for our proposal is that these two classes behave differently in the domain of particle fronting. In order to explain this difference, we will show that certain particle verbs are extreme degree expressions and that, therefore, a possible contrast across degrees makes fronting acceptable, even when the particle in isolation is non-contrastable. Our claims are supported by a rating study probing German native speakers’ intuitions about the likelihood of the occurrence of an utterance, without relying on acceptability judgments. We connect these new findings to other forms of non-information-structural fronting patterns that endow utterances with an emphatic flavor.

Conveying emphasis for intensity: Lexical and syntactic strategies

“…This effect of partial (or subpart of) focus fronting has been observed for further languages, and it has been pointed out in this context that “[n]ative speakers sometimes characterize SFF [subpart‐of‐focus‐]constructions as being more ‘emphatic’ than their narrow focus counterparts, but this emphasis affects the predicate as a whole and never the fronted part of the predicate alone” (Fanselow & Lenertová, , p. 179). Interestingly, partial focus fronting can also be licensed by a degree component of the whole verbal predicate involved (see Trotzke & Wittenberg, )…”