This study examines cross-linguistic influence (CLI) in the acquisition of embedded wh-questions in L3 English in German-dominant heritage speakers (HSs) of Italian. Specifically, we investigate whether a higher proficiency in the heritage language Italian increases the potential for CLI from that language. To this end, 21 adult-aged Italian-German early bilinguals and 32 monolingual controls (L1 speakers of Italian, German, or English) completed an acceptability judgement task that tested the acquisition of embedded wh-questions in English (while also controlling for the acquisition of the relevant properties in German and Italian). Language dominance was assessed using a yes/no vocabulary test and a proficiency index based on various aspects of self-reported language use and proficiency. Our results suggest that syntactic CLI occurs from both languages and that this is unrelated to overall dominance in German or proficiency in Italian.

In this paper, we provide a comprehensive account of the phenomenon of topicalizing verb particles in German. Based on the data we discuss, we argue that only a version of the Split-CP hypothesis for the German clause can account for the observations. Section 1 critiques previous accounts of particle topicalization and discusses some properties of particles that are potentially relevant to topicalization. We conclude that a particle's ability to be topicalized depends more on its ability to be contrasted with other particles than on the semantic autonomy of the particle per se. Section 2 discusses unexpected cases of non-contrastable particles in the left periphery. In this context, we introduce a previously unnoticed phenomenon in which particle verbs denoting strongly emotionally evaluated situations allow their particles to be topicalized, even if the particle does not receive a contrastive interpretation. In Sect. 3, we show that an elaborated syntax of the German left periphery of the kind argued for in cartographic approaches is uniquely able to predict the distribution of topicalized particles.

This paper investigates P-stranding under A′-extraction in spatial PPs in Molise Slavic (MSL). After showing that P-stranding bijectively correlates with dative case on the Ground argument of P, I argue that the cases of extraction at stake instantiate grammatical convergence in the form of “pattern replication” (Matras & Sakel 2007). A′-extraction is licensed by the presence of borrowed additional functional material valuing and interpreting K(ase). The richer structure allows for KP to move out of the PP Phase without violating Anti-Locality. Both Italian and MSL secondary Ps displaying P-stranding are characterized as instantiating one of two possible structural options for P-stranding. The alternative structure is argued to be instantiated in Germanic, consistently with existing proposals (Abels 2012). The choice between the two options, as well as the productivity of the selected option in a given grammatical system, is a matter of (micro-)variation in the availability of functional vocabulary.