Featural definition of syntactic positions: Evidence from hyper-raising

Abstract

Hyper-raising consists in raising a DP from an embedded finite clause into the matrix clause. HR introduces a phase problem: the embedded clause is finite, which is supposed to be impervious to raising. This can be overcome by postulating A-features at the C of the the embedded clause. They trigger the movement of the subject to [Spec, CP]. Being at the edge of a phase, it is visible to a matrix probe. If successful, this analysis provides support for the claim that syntactic positions are not inherently A or A-bar; they can be defined featurally instead.

A last Resort Approach to (Number) Feature Inheritance1

“… See also Fong (2018) for further empirical support for (31) based on hyper‐raising in Mongolian. Readers are referred to van Urk (2015) for how the A/A′‐properties can de deduced under (31). …”